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ethics of civilization

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只看该作者 90 发表于: 2009-03-14
The Mughal empire continued to decline because of power struggles and factions. Bahadur Shah won the throne in a civil war but died in 1712. Banda Bahadur led a Sikh revolt against the Mughals until he was killed in 1716. Two Sayyid brothers helped Farrukh Siyar become emperor; their intrigues led to another civil war that made Muhammad Shah emperor (r. 1719-48) but brought their own downfall in 1720. Nizam-ul Mulk ruled the Deccan and co-existed with rival Marathas led by Peshwa Baji Rao I (1720-40). Jai Singh governed Malwa for the Mughals and paid off the Marathas. Persia's Nadir Shah invaded and sacked Delhi in 1739 but then left, enabling 'Ali Muhammad Rohilla (r. 1721-48) with 40,000 Afghans to expand his territory. Peshwa Balaji Rao (r. 1740-61) tried to lead the various Maratha groups. The Sikhs were organized into eleven communities but suffered heavy losses in 1746 at Lahore.

Ahmad Shah Abdali of Afghanistan invaded India eight times between 1747 and 1767. Mughal emperor Ahmad Shah (r. 1748-54) tried to govern from Delhi through Safdar Jang, the eunuch Javid, and Imad-ul-mulk but was imprisoned by Imad. Marathas under Balaji Rao hired mercenaries, adopted western warfare methods, allowed chiefs to attack Hindus, and made temporary alliances during this chaotic period of Afghan invasions, Sikh struggles, and Muslim efforts to retain the Mughal empire or establish their own independent states. After Mughal emperor Alamgir II was assassinated in 1759, Ahmad Shah Abdali invaded again. The Maratha army plundered Delhi the next year, but the Afghans captured Delhi and with their Mughal allies severely defeated the Marathas at Panipat in 1761. The Maratha confederation broke apart under regional leaders. The Afghan troops insisted on going home and were harassed by Sikhs, who took over the Punjab. Najib tried to govern in Delhi while the Jats and Sikhs competed for the Doab. Shah Waliullah (1703-62) was an influential Islamic theologian who translated the Qur'an into Persian.

British in India
Joseph Dupleix developed French trade in India, but he failed to take Fort St. David from the English in 1747. Salabat Jang gave the French a lease in the Deccan in 1750, but the next year Robert Clive and the English captured Arcot. French power in India faded in 1761 when they surrendered Pondicherry. Nizam 'Ali of Hyderabad became a faithful ally of the English, and Muhammad 'Ali of Madras borrowed much money from them. After Bengal nawab Siraj attacked Calcutta in 1756, Clive's forces won it back and made Mir Jafar nawab in 1757. Conflicts over taxes caused Mir Jafar to be removed and re-installed, and the English army won an important victory over Awadh's Shuja-ud-daula at Buxar in 1764. Clive returned as governor the next year and tried to arrange dual government between the nawabs and the English East India Company. While the Company was making money and paying large dividends, in 1770 Bengal suffered a devastating famine in which about ten million people died. Warren Hastings was appointed governor of Bengal in 1771 and tried to employ more Indians in the revenue administration. In 1774 he became governor-general but was often opposed by his council. Controversial scandals later led to Hastings' impeachment trial in England, but he was acquitted.

In southern India the British made a treaty with Mysore's Haidar 'Ali but did not keep their agreement to defend him when he was attacked by the Marathas. Later Haidar made an alliance with the Deccan's Nizam 'Ali and the Marathas, defeating the English advance on Puna. In 1781 British forces defeated Haidar and Maratha Mahadji Sindia, and by 1784 treaties had restored conquered territories and released prisoners. The Maratha army invaded Mysore in 1786, but Haidar's son Tipu made a treaty and paid six million rupees. After Tipu attacked Travancore, the English and their allies went to war with Mysore, which surrendered in 1792 and lost half its territory, paying 33 million rupees. Cornwallis was governor-general 1786-93 and implemented various reforms in the Company, but he opposed hiring Indians except in low positions. Cornwallis fixed rents with the permanent settlement in 1793. Some zamindars (landlords) had to sell because they were set too high, and absentee landlords had little connection with the peasants. Cornwallis instituted a British judicial system and abolished legal fees. John Shore governed for five years with restraint using diplomacy.

Governor-General Richard Wellesley (1798-1805) was an imperialist and organized a vindictive attack on Tipu's Mysore in 1799. Wellesley forced Mysore, Tanjore, Surat, and Karnatak to accept subsidies in exchange for British protection and control. The Awadh (Oudh) nawab had to cede half his territory when accepting the subsidiary alliance. Wellesley censored newspapers, encouraged missionaries and private trading, and improved roads. Maratha conflicts caused a series of civil wars from 1797 until Wellesley began intervening with British forces in 1803. The British soon conquered Agra, Delhi, Gujarat, and Orissa. Wellesley's wars nearly doubled the Company debt to 31.5 million pounds, and he was replaced for acting illegally. Acting Governor-General Barlow reduced the forces and disbanded recruited Marathas, cutting the annual deficit. In 1806 English religious insensitivity provoked a mutiny at Madras. Governor-General Minto (1807-13) used diplomacy to head off conflicts and restore the finances of the Company.

Moira earl Lord Hastings became governor-general in 1813 and served for nine years. The 1813 Charter Act ended the Company's monopoly on Indian trade and declared Crown sovereignty. After Wellington's victory in the European war against Napoleon in 1815, the British forces in India went after the Pathan and Pindari brigands, forcing many Rajput states and others to accept defensive alliances. Maratha Peshwa Baji Rao II signed a treaty in June 1817, but he revolted in November. The Marathas suffered their final defeats and lost almost all their territory to the British in 1818. Their being overcome by the British was caused by many factors such as overextended conquests, Maratha conflicts, administrative anarchy, plundering armies, British money and superior military equipment and discipline, lack of Maratha nationalism, precarious agriculture, and lack of industry, trade, social equality, and education.

In the north battles continued between Sikhs, Jats, Marathas, Rohillas, and Muslim supporters of Emperor Shah 'Alam II. In 1774 Awadh's Shuja-ud-daula and the English annexed most of Rohilkhand. Afghanistan's Timur Shah invaded India five times. After Mughal commander Najaf Khan died in 1782, Maratha chief Mahadji Sindia took power in Delhi. The Sikhs frequently raided the region. Ghulam Qadir's Rohillas committed atrocities and blinded Shah 'Alam, but Sindia put Ghulam to death. By 1792 Sindia had Maratha paramountcy over the Rajputs and Jats, but he died two years later. Sikhs suffered civil war, and Shah Zaman's Afghans invaded until they went home in 1799. Young Ranjit Singh took over Lahore, won many victories, avoided fighting the British, and formed a Sikh confederacy. In 1809 he made a treaty with the British, agreeing on the Sutlej River as their boundary. Shah Shuja ruled Afghanistan 1803-09 but had to flee and take refuge with Ranjit Singh and then the British. Ranjit Singh's Sikh armies failed to conquer Kashmir but finally captured Multan in 1818.

Dzungar Mongols invaded Tibet in 1717, but Chinese emperor Kangxi sent forces that drove the Dzungars out of Tibet in 1720. Councilor Pholhanas resigned but returned with troops from Tsang to defeat and kill the leaders of the anti-Chinese faction at Lhasa. Pholhanas was a popular leader and was proclaimed king of Tibet in 1740. Narbhupal Shah (r. 1716-42) governed the Gurkhas in western Nepal. His son Prithvi Narayan Shah conquered Kathmandu in 1768 and united Nepal. Tibet discouraged foreigners and came into conflict with Nepal in 1788; four years later a Manchu army helped the Tibetans defeat the Gurkhas and invade Nepal. In 1814 the British went to war with the Gurkhas over Tarai, but the 1817 treaty made Nepal a British ally.

The Dutch East India Company continued to exploit Sri Lanka with monopolies that fixed prices. Discontent of cinnamon peelers erupted in a major revolt in 1757, and Kandyans joined them until the Dutch captured the capital in 1765. Buddhists had visited Burma and Thailand to improve their education, but only the top caste could be ordained monks. The 1795 French invasion of Holland caused the Dutch to turn Sri Lanka over to the English, and they made it their colony of Ceylon in 1802, taking over the monopolies of the pearl fisheries, cinnamon, salt, and tobacco. The British fought the Kandyans for two years until General Maitland took a defensive posture in 1805. The English introduced jury trials and land grants to Europeans. Their troops finally took Kandy in 1815 and gained sovereignty in a treaty, but they had to agree to protect the Buddhist religion. Governor Brownrigg revived the government-imposed labor requirement.


Thomas Munro's revenue reforms in Madras were eventually adopted throughout British India. Ranjit Singh extended his Sikh confederation and stimulated a war of succession in Afghanistan. James Buckingham published the Calcutta Journal but was deported by acting Governor-General John Adam. In Calcutta colleges were founded for Christians and Hindus along with a madrasa for Muslims. When Burma extended its realm into Assam and Arakan, they came into conflict with the British. In 1824 a British force occupied Rangoon. Many lives were lost by diseases, and Burma signed a treaty in January 1826, ceding territory to the British. The English also used force to control Bharatpur. William Bentinck was governor-general 1828-35 and turned the deficit caused by the Burma war into a surplus. The British annexed Assam, Cachar, and other territories. Bentinck made special efforts to stop widow suicides (sati) and punish murdering robbers (thugs). Sayyid Ahmad of Bareilly led an Islamic revolt against Yar Muhammad in 1829 and proclaimed himself caliph; but his taxes and intolerance were unpopular, and he was killed at Balakot in 1831. Many planters settled in India to exploit cheap labor. Bentinck and Macaulay promoted schools that used English along with native languages. Shah Shuja's forces tried to regain his throne in Afghanistan by besieging Qandahar in 1834, but he was defeated and returned to his exile at Ludhiana. The last Maratha raja, Pratap Singh, was removed from Satara by the British in 1839.

After Russian envoy Simonitch persuaded Persia's Muhammad Shah to besiege Herat in 1837, the British navy took an island in the Persian Gulf to pressure the Persians to withdraw. The Persians retreated in September 1838, but Governor-General Auckland went forward with the planned invasion of Afghanistan by supporting Shah Shuja's force with armies from Bengal and Bombay. Ranjit Singh made them go around his territory through Sind, which was forced to contribute 2,500,000 rupees to Shuja and Ranjit Singh. Macnaghten used gold to bribe local Afghans, and Shuja was enthroned at Qandahar in 1839. Dost Muhammad was defeated and fled. Shuja was not popular at Kabul, and the British occupation was resented. The British defeated Dost Muhammad again, and he surrendered. Macnaghten was captured and killed, and the remaining Bengal army agreed to withdraw, leaving behind most of their guns and muskets. In January 1842 the British army was ambushed and slaughtered going through the Khurd Kabul Pass. Ellenborough replaced Auckland and let Generals Pollock and Nott go back for revenge at Kabul to restore British honor before evacuating Afghanistan. In 1843 Dost Muhammad returned to rule Afghanistan. Ellenborough sent the aggressive Charles Napier to annex and govern Sind, where he established a modern police force. The British army also took over Gwalior.

After Ranjit Singh died in 1839, various of his relatives intrigued and killed each other over the Sikh power amid army revolts. Hindu raja Gulab Singh of Jammu gained Kashmir. Lal Singh and Tej Singh took control of the Sikhs, but both betrayed them secretly in the war against the British. Governor-General Hardinge imposed a treaty on the Punjab in 1846, reducing the Sikh army. Henry Lawrence became resident at Lahore and backed Tej Singh. John Lawrence replaced his brother, worked to improve the Punjab, and suppressed the raids and rebellion of unemployed Sikh soldiers. The revolt spread, and Governor-General Dalhousie (1848-56) ordered the Punjab occupied. The British forces defeated the rebelling Sikh army, which surrendered in 1849. Dalhousie annexed the Punjab and appointed the Lawrence brothers to a ruling board. They supervised disarmament, reformed the military, established police, and promoted agriculture, roads, bridges, canals, and schools.

Dalhousie (1848-56) used the doctrine of lapse when a male heir was lacking and other reasons to annex various states. He sent military forces to Burma in 1852 and annexed a new province the next year. The prosperous state of Awadh was accused of government corruption and annexed in 1856, taking land away from the Talukdars and raising rents on cultivators. Dalhousie also sponsored western education, public works, railroads, telegraph lines, a postal system, forest conservation, tea plantations, and prison reform.

As the English Company's rule in India neared a century in 1857, many Indians were discontent with their lack of opportunity, economic exploitation, and fear of Christian domination. In 1856 Governor-General C. J. Canning required all new recruits to serve abroad regardless of caste rules. A rumor that cow and pig grease was on the cartridges for the new Enfield rifles offended both Hindu and Muslim sepoys, who began to mutiny by refusing to use them, freeing prisoners, killing their officers, and plundering Europeans. In May 1857 the 7th Awadh regiment at Mirat set this pattern and spread it to Delhi, where mutineers took over the government. The mutiny spread throughout Awadh as Talukdars and chiefs turned it into a revolt. Henry Lawrence kept some sepoys loyal at Lucknow, which was besieged for nine months. Rohilkhand had no British regiments and revolted. In Bengal, the Punjab, the Deccan, and the south the mutinies were sporadic and suppressed. Canning learned of the mutiny soon by telegraph and summoned British armies from Madras and Bombay. Punjab forces and Gurkhas helped the large British army suppress the rebellion in Awadh, Gwalior, and Rohilkhand. The rebels fled north into Nepal, which extradited only those believed to have killed Europeans. The rule of India by the East India Company was ended in August 1858, and in November Queen Victoria proclaimed equal rights and religious protection for Indians. British power was reimposed by means of its superior military force over rebels who had tried to use chaotic violence in a desperate revolt.

After the mutiny, the proportion of British soldiers in the Bengal army was increased. Because of the huge war debt, Viceroy Canning imposed an income tax. The Police Act of 1861 replaced some military with civil power. Native principalities were recognized but under British control. Talukdars and others regained their land rights. British settlers came to India to make money and tended to be more racist. Indians were given some opportunities, but discrimination was still prevalent. John Lawrence was viceroy 1864-69 and borrowed to finance irrigation, transportation, and sanitation. He refrained from intervening in Afghanistan, though a British force invaded Bhutan in 1865. Viceroy Mayo increased the income tax and salt tax while decentralizing government. He was assassinated in 1872. Viceroy Northbrook reduced taxes and made sure a famine was prevented. By 1875 the population of India was about to reach one quarter of a billion.

Rammohun Roy studied Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Christianity. He criticized Hindu idolatry and recommended the ethics of Jesus along with the Hindu theism of the Upanishads. He led the successful campaign to abolish widow burning (sati) and promoted social reforms through Bengali and Persian weeklies and in colleges. He helped to found what became Brahmo Samaj based on the worship of one God and social reforms to help humanity. He was the first prominent Hindu to visit England in 1831, and he influenced their Indian policies. Devendranath Tagore revived Brahmo Samaj, and Keshab Sen led efforts for women's rights and universal religion. Sayyid Ahmad Khan protected Bijnor for the British during the mutiny, and he analyzed its causes. He encouraged Muslims to learn English and get western education.

Tibet was ostensibly under Dalai Lamas, but they were often so young that usually regents ruled. The three largest Buddhist monasteries were represented on the Council (Kashag) and later in the Assembly. After Kashmir invaded, Tibet made a treaty in 1842, and a war with the Gurkhas ended in the 1856 treaty. Nepal suffered under intrigues involving the Pandes faction until the capable Jung Bahadur was appointed prime minister in 1846. He visited England in 1850 and supported the British in quelling the mutiny in 1858.

The British Colony of Ceylon took over the Company's monopoly on cinnamon in 1822, and its monopoly on salt was lucrative. Colebrooke investigated and recommended extensive reforms in administration, revenues, expenditures, and the compulsory labor system, most of which were implemented in 1833 along with Cameron's judicial reforms. The Government ended grants and started selling land by auction to planters. Railroads helped coffee dominate the economy of Ceylon by the 1870s. The number of schools greatly increased. The Government stopped protecting Buddhism, but two societies founded in 1862 fostered a purified Buddhism.

Southeast Asia and Pacific Islands
The indigenous cultures of Southeast Asia were influenced by both China and India. Burma adopted Theravada Buddhism and dominated the Mons, who occasionally rebelled. Burmans also attacked their neighbors; King Hsinhpyushin destroyed Ayudhya in 1767, and under Bodawhpaya (r. 1782-1819) they took over Arakan in 1785. Burma lost parts of its empire to the British by wars in 1825 and 1852. Burma's King Mindon (r. 1853-78) made peace and ruled wisely as he revived Buddhism.

Sukhothai chief Ramkhamhaeng (r. 1283-1317) established the written Thai language. Ramadhipati founded Ayudhya in 1350 and was the first king of Siam with Hindu laws. Boromaraja I (r. 1370-88) took over Sukhothai, and Boromaraja II (r. 1424-48) conquered the Khmers at Angkor. Siam's Trailok (r. 1448-88) enforced strict laws and became a monk in 1465. Burma invaded Siam in 1564 and dominated it until 1586. Siam's King Narai (r. 1657-88) tolerated European missionaries and merchants until 1687. Boromokot (r. 1733-58) promoted Buddhism. After Ayudhya was destroyed in 1767, Taksin organized Siamese forces and defeated the Burmans in 1775. His general founded a new dynasty in Siam as Rama I. Rama III (r. 1824-51) made a commercial treaty with the English, and Rama IV (r. 1851-68) opened up trade to all Europeans. He and his son Rama V began modernizing Siam.

Cambodia struggled against Chinese imperialism from the third century CE. Jayavarman II (r. 802-50) began the Angkor era as the Khmer god-king. Buddhism spread into Cambodia during the 13th century. Jayavarman VIII (r. 1243-95) reinstituted the Hindu caste system, but Theravada Buddhism won royal favor under Indravarman III (r. 1295-1308). Siam's army often invaded Cambodia, which became a vassal state in 1603. The Vietnamese began intervening in 1698. Cambodia suffered between these neighboring powers until the French took over portions of Vietnam and Cambodia, recognizing Siam's control over western Cambodia in the treaty of 1867. Souligna-Vongsa ruled a united Laos 1637-94, but a civil war caused it to be divided into Vientiane, Luang Prabang, and Champassak by 1713. Vientiane's king Chao-Anou went to war against Siam, which devastated Vientiane in 1828.

Vietnam was part of the Chinese empire for more than a millennium. Buddhism spread in Vietnam, which became independent of China in 939 CE. The Vietnamese fought off the Mongol invasions, but in the 15th century they were dominated once again by Chinese Confucian culture. King Le Thanh Tong (r. 1460-98) used the Chinese examination system and bureaucracy, adopting Mahayana Buddhism. In 1570 Vietnam was divided between the Trinh and the Nguyen families. They fought for half a century after 1620 but then had peace for a century. In 1773 three Nguyen Van brothers from Tay-son led a socialist revolt that overcame the Trinh family in the north but in 1801 was defeated by Nguyen Anh, who reunited Vietnam as Emperor Gia Long. His son Minh Mang (r. 1819-41) applied Confucianism, persecuted Christians, and rejected European trade. Tu Duc (r. 1847-83) was also a pious Confucian, but he was forced to cede provinces to France in 1862 and 1874.

Paramesvara developed the port of Melaka, allied with China, and converted to Islam in 1414. The Portuguese conquered Melaka in 1511. Malayans suffered several attacks by Acheh from 1537 until they defeated the Achinese navy in 1629. The Dutch took over Melaka in 1641 and made it a military base. Johor prospered, but its last king was assassinated in 1699. In the second half of the 18th century, the British gained most of the Malayan commerce because their superior ships controlled trade from India and sold armaments. Raffles made Singapore a British port in 1819. In 1824 a treaty recognized English control over Malaya and the Dutch over most of the islands. In the 19th century many Chinese immigrated into Malaya. In 1874 the British resolved Malayan conflicts in the Pangkor Treaty.


The Srivijaya kingdom practiced Buddhism on the island of Sumatra during the middle ages. Javanese culture in Bali developed Hindu religion, shadow theater, gamelan music, and batik textiles. Javanese king Kertanagara (r. 1268-92) conquered the Malayu in southern Sumatra and Bali. Kertarajasa (r. 1293-1309) founded the new kingdom of Majapahit in Java, and Majapahit king Hayam Wuruk (r. 1350-89) annexed the kingdom of Srivijaya. From the 13th century Muslim merchants brought Islamic culture, and Ali Mughajat Shah founded the sultanate of Acheh on northern Sumatra about 1515. In the 16th century the Portuguese tried to use naval force to control commerce in the region, but the Dutch company began competing with them in the 17th century with Batavia as their capital. The Dutch also had to borrow to pay for military expenses. Three Javanese wars of succession ended in 1757, and the Dutch gained sovereignty over Java. European conflicts brought the French-appointed Daendels and then the English Raffles to govern Java until 1816. The Dutch regained control, but 200,000 died in the failed Javanese rebellion in 1825-30. In the next half century the Dutch exploited export crops to transfer 832 million guilders out of Java despite famines in the 1840s. Gradually in the 1860s most of the compulsory labor programs were ended, but sugar and coffee systems were prolonged. On Sumatra the Dutch took control of Acheh in 1874.

On the first voyage around the world Magellan was killed in 1521, and Legazpi began settlements on the Philippine islands in 1565. Despite Spanish invasions the southern islands remained Muslim, but others converted to Christianity. From 1593 to 1815 Spain required all commerce from the Philippines to go through Acapulco, Mexico. Spaniards and the Dutch battled over trade until they made a treaty in 1648. Spaniards claimed the Mariana Islands in 1669 and conquered the Chamorros. In the Philippines corrupt alcalde-mayors were allowed to engage in trade and business from 1751 until 1844. The British navy sacked Manila in 1762 and stayed for two years while native Filipinos rebelled against unpopular Spanish overlords. The Philippines fought an expensive war against Muslim raiders between 1778 and 1793. The Philippines prohibited foreigners from retail business in 1828. In the 1840s Filipinos began to struggle for racial equality. By 1863 the Philippines had free public education. In 1869 a new Spanish constitution brought to the Philippines universal suffrage and a free press. In 1872 striking workers were joined by some mutinying soldiers; thirteen were executed while others were imprisoned or fled.

The English began a penal colony at Sydney in 1788. Aborigines had been living in Australia for thousands of years, gathering food, but new diseases wiped out most of them. English convicts were paid with rum and became farmers along with settlers. Irish convicts rebelled and were punished in 1804. Captain Bligh tried to ban alcohol and was deposed in 1808. Macquarie governed New South Wales from 1810 to 1822. Bigge made a study and advised moving the convicts out of the towns, a policy implemented by Governor Darling (1825-31). The British explored and claimed all of Australia. A shortage of women increased homosexuality and prostitution. Maconochie experimented with humane treatment of prisoners on Norfolk Island. Transportation of convicts to New South Wales ended in 1840 and to Tasmania in 1853. Squatters developed sheep farming despite a recession in the 1840s. After 1850 deviant women were put in a lunatic asylum instead of prison. The discovery of gold in 1851 led to much immigration. Diggers protested the license fees and agitated for manhood suffrage. In 1855 striking stonemasons in Melbourne began demanding an eight-hour day, which Victoria adopted in 1874. Chinese immigrants worked hard but were persecuted. Australia gained male suffrage in 1858. Land was made easier to purchase. Isolated on the land, some bush rangers turned to robbery. Factional politics caused provincial governments to change often. The province of Victoria led the trend by establishing free and compulsory public schools in 1872.

About a thousand years ago the Maoris came to the islands the Dutch named New Zealand in 1642. Captain Cook visited in 1769, followed by other Europeans taking sealskins and timber, then traders and whalers. Maoris occasionally attacked and ate Europeans they killed. A few missionaries from Australia began arriving in 1814. Chief Hongi visited London in 1820 and came back with 300 muskets that enabled him to defeat other tribes in civil wars that lasted until 1832. Wesleyan and Anglican missionaries arrived. The flax trade grew but was overtaken by timber and whaling. Some Europeans found protection by marrying Maori women, and some tribes were united in 1835. E. G. Wakefield promoted the sale of land to capitalist settlers. British consul Hobson made a treaty with fifty chiefs at Waitangi in 1840 that ceded sovereignty to the English and promised Maori rights; two years later New Zealand was a colony. George Grey learned Maori and governed liberally, promoting education, but his 1852 constitution favored European land-owners. Maoris wanted to be ruled by a king and resented the loss of their communal land to Europeans, who by 1858 outnumbered them. A Maori uprising began in 1860 and lasted until 1872. Superior British weapons enabled them to confiscate much rebel land. A gold rush started in 1860 that greatly increased settlement on the South Island. In the early 1870s New Zealand borrowed money to build railways, roads, bridges, and telegraphs.

Polynesians many centuries ago made voyages to various islands. The British first contacted the sexually uninhibited Tahitians in 1767, and Captain Cook visited three times. In 1789 the crew of the Bounty mutinied and returned to Tahiti; some helped Pomare I conquer the island, and others fled to Pitcairn Island. Missionaries had little success until Pomare II converted in 1812. The Christian Tahitians won a civil war and in 1819 imposed puritanical laws. The French used force to protect Catholics in 1838 and took over Tahiti five years later. Wesleyan missionaries came to Fiji in 1835. Fijians made efforts to govern themselves but ceded sovereignty to the British in 1874. The Tonga chief accepted the Methodist religion in 1831 and ruled as King George Tupou until 1893. Missionaries started coming to the Samoan Islands in 1828 and eventually converted most of the natives. The British and Americans were influential, and in 1860 Samoans adopted the Vaimauga code of laws. Conflict over the kingship was mediated by the American and British consuls in 1873.

Captain Cook was killed on Maui in 1779. Kamehameha through force became the chief of the Hawaiian Islands in 1795 and appointed some haole (white) sailors as governors. After he died in 1819, his favorite wife Kaahumanu persuaded his son Kamehameha II to abandon the kapu (taboo) traditions that discriminated against women. Missionaries began their work in 1820. Kamehameha II died of measles in London in 1824. Kaahumanu wanted to be a Christian and urged laws against vices. By the 1830s Hawaii had more than a thousand schools teaching 50,000 people to read. Kamehameha III proclaimed religious toleration and human rights in 1839, and the next year the Government had a constitution and public schools. Hawaii's independence was recognized by Britain, France, and the United States. Land titles of the King, chiefs, and commoners were settled, giving the Government land to sell at low prices. Hawaii developed a booming sugar industry and exported rice and coffee. In 1875 they made a reciprocal treaty on duty-free trade with the United States.

Evaluating India and Southeast Asia
Civilization in ancient India must have had a worthy beginning in the Harappan culture of the Indus valley to be able to sustain such spiritual values after the Aryan invasion of the subcontinent established a racist culture based on an increasingly rigid caste system. Thanks to Hindu sages, Mahavira, and the Buddha, ancient India offered outstanding ethical and spiritual teachings. Although worldly politicians still exploited people and caused suffering in local wars, the emphasis on the virtue, justice, and duty they called dharma had a profound affect on their religions, relationships, and literature. In methods and teachings that enhance spiritual transcendence in realization of the soul, India is yet to be surpassed. Buddhism, a unique religion without a god, would spread throughout Asia in future centuries and offer spiritual teaching and methods of psychological insight that would benefit hundreds of millions of people.

The development of Mahayana Buddhism in India from the first century spread its excellent ethics. This Buddhism would move east into China and north into Tibet; but after a few centuries Hinduism regained its prevalence over most of India, imposing its caste system but still enlightening with its ancient spiritual philosophy. The rich culture of India also allowed theater to flourish with its dramatic lessons for human experience. In the middle ages devotion became the most popular expression of Hindu religion. Theravada Buddhism survived mostly on the island of Sri Lanka, and Jainism with its nonviolent ethics could still be found in India. Yet as with the rest of the world, in India kingdoms still struggled for power using violent methods. Such conflicts became worse with the conquests of the Muslims after 1000. The sultans in Delhi dominated much of northern India and imposed higher taxes on non-Muslims. The invasion by Timur and his Tatars in 1398 plundered Delhi and weakened the sultanate. Political struggles caused conflicts not only between Muslims and Hindus but among them as well. The poet Kabir and Nanak, founder of the Sikh religion, offered a mystical synthesis of Hinduism and Islam in order to help reconcile the religious division.

Babur's invasion from Afghanistan founded the Mughal empire of India in 1526 and would dominate most of India for the next two centuries. The Muslims imposed their Persian culture and a feudal system with themselves above the Hindu castes. Akbar continued the Mughal expansion and decreed a policy of religious tolerance, but his personal search for a universal religion had little influence. Emperor Shah Jahan was less tolerant and wasted human and material resources in wars. Aurangzeb fought a civil war to win the throne, and his taxes and persecution of Hindus provoked growing resistance and wars that brought about the decline of the Mughal empire amid the decadent lifestyles of the aristocratic Muslims. Shivaji led the Maratha resistance, but their military methods did not offer a better alternative to Mughal domination. Thus these frequent wars devastated India. Some Hindus found consolation in a devotional form of religion. Sikhs followed the leadership of their guru and gradually grew from a cult into a religion with political power. Tibet continued its Buddhist culture and was isolated enough to survive, while Sri Lanka suffered from the economic exploitation by the Portuguese and Dutch. The embattled Mughals declined as they fought the Marathas, the Sikhs, and invasions by Persians and Afghans. In the 18th century these groups also fought each other and the British, as most of India suffered from endemic warfare.

The British conquest of India was for the economic exploitation by the English East India Company, but it was accomplished by means of the powerful British military and administrative government. Operating from Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay, the Company gradually extended its political domination and economic exploitation by taking control of one kingdom after another. Because the Mughals, Marathas, Rajputs, and Sikhs often fought each other, India had no national unity to withstand the British, who had eliminated their French and Dutch rivals. The Chinese helped protect Tibet from the Gurkhas. Although the English instituted some reforms and brought western culture, their making sepoys fight wars in Burma and Afghanistan and the annexations of various kingdoms, the Punjab, and Awadh on top of the impoverishment of Indians by mercantilism along with fears of religious domination erupted in a desperate mutiny and revolt in 1857. Yet the violence and criminal behavior of the rebels did not win over enough people, and the British Government took over from the Company and reimposed their domination with some reforms based on the lessons learned. Yet India was opened to private exploitation, and the European settlers had more racist attitudes after the mutiny. Efforts by Rammohun Roy and other reformers gradually developed modern education for Indians, women's rights, and eventually national identity, but by 1875 India had a long way to go to develop a successful independence movement.


Southeast Asia was influenced by both China and India, and in the 13th century invading Mongols brought Islam, especially to Indonesia. These influenced their religions and culture, but the regions developed independent nations in Burma, Siam, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, and Malaya until the Europeans began struggling for domination in the 17th century. Buddhist Burma developed a little empire, often attacking the Mons and Siam, until they lost territory to British imperialism in the 19th century. Siam (Thailand) survived the Burman invasion of 1767, and a new dynasty of Rama kings began to modernize the country and trade with Europeans. Cambodia and Laos suffered from wars with their neighbors Siam and Vietnam which prevented the revival of their ancient Angkor era. Vietnam became independent of China politically in 939 but was influenced by Confucian culture as well as Buddhism. An attempted socialist revolt in the late 18th century was overcome by the traditional Nguyen dynasty, which tried to be independent but had to cede territory to French imperialism. The Malay peninsula struggled with commercial competition between the Portuguese, Dutch, and the English.

Sumatra, Java, and the Indonesian islands also were dominated by the commercial interests of Muslims, Portuguese, and especially the Dutch, who gained control in the 18th century and exploited it in the 19th century. The southern islands of the Philippines became Muslim and remained so after the Spaniards converted most Filipinos to Christianity. The development of public education helped Filipinos struggle against Spanish domination and for more rights. As a British penal colony, Australia was an experiment that grew out of that and developed education, labor unions, and democratic government. The British also took over New Zealand from the Maoris and tried to offer them rights under their cultural domination. The Polynesian islands lost their paradisal innocence to lusty European sailors and puritanical missionaries. Devastated by diseases, most converted to Christianity and were commercialized by western culture.

By 1875 India and much of Southeast Asia and the Pacific islands were under British imperialism, while most of the rest were dominated by the Dutch, French, and Spanish. Even the United States was beginning to influence the Hawaiian islands. People were learning from each other, but the unethical use of force was still an unresolved problem, especially in international politics.


Copyright © 2004 by Sanderson Beck
This chapter has been published in the book INDIA & Southeast Asia to 1800.
For ordering information, please click here.

Vedas and Upanishads
Mahavira and Jainism
Buddha and Buddhism
Political and Social Ethics of India
Hindu Philosophy
Literature of India
India 30 BC to 1300
Delhi Sultans and Rajas 1300-1526
Mughal Empire 1526-1707
Marathas and the English Company 1707-1818
British India 1800-1848
British India's Wars 1848-1881
India's Renaissance 1881-1905
India's Freedom Struggle 1905-1918
Gandhi and India 1919-1941
Tibet, Nepal, and Ceylon 1800-1941
Burma, Malaya, and the British 1800-1941
Siam, Cambodia, and Laos 1800-1941
Vietnam and the French 1800-1941
Indonesia under the Dutch 1800-1941
Philippines under Spain and the US 1800-1941
Summary and Evaluation
Bibliography
ETHICS OF CIVILIZATION Index
Chronological Index
BECK index
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                    3.      Volume 3: CHINA, KOREA & JAPAN to 1800


BECK index
                                         Shang, Zhou and the Classics
Shang Dynasty
Zhou Dynasty
Yi Jing (Book of Changes)
Shi Jing (Book of Odes)
Li (Propriety)
Shu Jing (Book of Documents)
Spring and Autumn Era
Sun-zi's Art of War
Period of Warring States
This chapter has been published in the book CHINA, KOREA & JAPAN to 1800. For ordering information please click here.

For three millennia beginning about 5,000 BC the Yangshao culture flourished in China wearing clothes made from hemp and living in partially underground houses designed to protect these peasant farmers from winter winds and summer heat or in the south on houses built on piles by a lake. Plows were used in 4000 BC, and by 3500 BC millet was grown widely in the northern plains of China. Fishing was a main activity, and domesticated pigs, fowl, and later cattle, sheep, and goats were eaten. In the south rice was developing. Stylized fish and animals decorated some of the burnished pottery.

Silk was manufactured about 2600 BC, and in the 24th century BC the Longshan culture began using a wheel to make thin-walled black pottery. Like the Yangshao these people lived mostly in pit houses in villages that encircled a central longhouse, but their towns were larger and more permanent. Graves were supplied with richer objects such as carved jade and pottery. The divinatory practice of scapulimancy began, which studied the cracks that appeared on baked bones as an oracle to predict the future and confer guidance. The first writing was probably the inscriptions made on these bones, showing the question and perhaps the answer. The character for the word "book" was discovered on these bones, indicating not only the existence of shamans but perhaps scribes as well. Grain was milled in China about 2200 BC.

Traditional Chinese history gives the dates 2205-1766 BC for the Xia (Hsia) dynasty, but the writing about it comes from the Zhou (Chou) dynasty in the first millennium BC. The word xia meant summer and was depicted as flourishing trees. Since ecologists have determined that in the Neolithic times the northern plain of China was covered with forests, which later were obliterated by human destruction, we could infer that Xia times were remembered as a richer environment. The deforestation may have been a factor in the social degeneration that allowed a more warlike Shang culture to replace the Longshan, whose late use of arrowheads, spears, daggers, and clubs foreshadowed the conflicts that were to worsen with the Shang warriors, who dominated China for three-quarters of a millennium until their overthrow by the Zhou dynasty in the eleventh century BC.

Shang Dynasty
According to the history Shang-shu and the Shi Jing (Ching), the ancient Book of Odes, the Xia were overthrown by Shang king Tang the Successful. The Shang developed the use of bronze to a fine art, beginning with fish hooks, bells, pins, and projectile points and developing into an industry to produce these items and axes for the elite who could afford them. The social stratification led to kings and nobles, who conscripted common people for military service and public construction projects. Buildings made of pounded-earth walls rose as high as nine meters. These ceremonial centers were surrounded by thousands of pit houses, shops, animal pens, and storage pits. Superstitious kings even went so far as to have their bodies buried with horses and other humans, who must have been sacrificed.

The traditional dates of the Shang dynasty are 1766-1122 BC, but recent scholarship suggests this culture lasted nearly five hundred years and was overthrown by the Zhou dynasty about the middle of the eleventh century BC. The Shang were centered around the Yellow River and moved their capital many times, though it was near modern Anyang for more than 250 years after it was moved there by the powerful ruler Pan Geng in 1384 BC.

Primarily agricultural and disliking dairy products, the ancient Chinese did eat pigs, cattle, sheep, chicken, and dogs. (This is not quite as bad as it sounds, since their dogs probably did not eat meat.) Hunting provided fur coats for the cold winters. Hemp was also cultivated for clothing, which seems to have been well sewn with sleeves. Shang religion was based on the worship of ancestral spirits and the supreme God, Shang Di. Major decisions were made in the ancestral temple and were assisted by divination, interpreting the cracks made when tortoise shells and bones were baked in fire. The king headed a feudal system in which he could call upon other nobles for help in fighting against barbarians and invaders. Shang culture was extremely patriarchal and traditional, since the oldest were closest to the ancestors, though inferior to them. A woman could become a powerful matriarch if she was the oldest survivor of her generation in a powerful family. A king might have more than one wife but usually did not. Oracle bones reveal one king with three wives, two with two wives, and twenty-six with only one wife.

Shang development of bronze technology and artistry H. G. Creel considered superior to that of the Italian renaissance. Metal weapons and chariots with horses did give knights an advantage, but the power of their bows was such that the arrows could easily penetrate their leather armor. Thus aristocrats were not invulnerable in war, enabling common soldiers to overthrow their leaders if things got too bad for them. Archery, as the main skill involved in war and hunting, became the most popular sport in contests along with charioteering. Cities were walled, and armies numbered in the thousands. In the thirteenth century BC King Wu Ding fought several wars over pasture lands, and large water projects had to be protected. They traded so extensively that the name for merchant is based on the term Shang ren meaning Shang man or person. Cowrie shells from the sea were used as money, and royal tombs contained their wealth along with the sacrifices of humans, horses, and dogs.

Their writing, which has been found on oracle bones and bronzes, began with pictograms, developed ideograms, and used phonograms. The Chinese language as well as Chinese culture developed directly from the Shang. Writing on the oracle bones indicates that the main things they wanted to know about were sacrifices, announcements to the spirits, diplomatic banquets, traveling, hunting and fishing, war, crops, weather, illness, and the coming ten-day week. The character for evil depicts a snake attacking the foot of a person. Clearly the purpose of the oracles was to avoid danger and calamity by pleasing God and the ancestral spirits.

Human sacrifice was practiced by the Shang as indicated by the character for sacrifice, which shows a person's head being chopped off. The numbers sacrificed do not seem to be large except in the case of the Giang, who were killed in greater numbers because they appear to have been sheepherders interfering with Shang cattle grazing. The practice of human sacrifice naturally decreased in the Zhou era. Nevertheless it was clear that in Shang society, a king or lord had the power of life or death over those under him. Slavery, usually from those captured in war, was also common. The word for servant indicates the cultural evolution. At first captives were counted as heads and depicted as an eye. This character then came to mean a slave, a servant, a retainer, and eventually a minister of state. Thus as writing developed and became more influential, literate advisors to the king gained more power. When the Shang were overthrown by the Zhou in the eleventh century BC, the Giang tribe supported the Zhou revolt.

Zhou Dynasty
In the eleventh century BC the Zhou house became strong in the west by conquest and alliances with nearby states. Wen Wang, whose mother was a Shang princess, took over much territory to the north and south of the Shang kingdom. When the Shang were weakened by battles with nomads in the north and natives to the east, Wen Wang's son, Wu Wang, crossed the Yellow River and marched his army against the Shang. According to Zhou histories the time was not right yet, but two years later he returned and, with the capitulation of the Shang vanguard, took over the Shang capital. Di Xin, the last Shang king immolated himself in his favorite pleasure pavilion, but his son was allowed to rule a subject state. Wu Wang also soon died, but his brother, the famous Duke of Zhou (Zhou Gong), completed the conquest for Wu's son while acting as regent. Two of his brothers, however, joined the Shang prince in a revolt, which was crushed by Zhou Gong after three years of fighting all over China. A Zhou capital was constructed along the Yellow River near what is now Luoyang in Henan to control dozens of feudal states in the east, though the main capital remained in the western Wei valley. The Shang capital was destroyed, but their culture was allowed to survive; the Shang family continued to offer sacrifices to their ancestors until 286 BC in the state of Song.

These feudal states were essentially walled cities that protected, controlled, and exploited their peasant populations. Nobles were allowed to rule over their territories in exchange for tribute and help in fighting wars. Though they followed the traditional Shang religion, the Zhou developed the concept of heaven (tian) as a guiding force which supported those who ruled virtuously and abandoned those who did not. The king was known as the son of heaven. Patriarchal families were the basis of power and relationship, politically as well as personally, and whole families were often held responsible for the actions of their individual members.

The first two centuries of the Zhou dynasty were fairly peaceful within their realms, though wars were often fought with nomads on the perimeters to expand the kingdom. In 1002 BC the fourth Zhou king, Zhao, did not return from such an expedition to the Yangzi River. A tyrannical king named Li Wang, who ruled from 878 to 841 BC, departed from virtue by hiring a sorcerer to point out those criticizing him so that he could have them killed. The king bragged of how the slandering of him had stopped because the people had become even afraid to talk; but the Duke of Shao pointed out that he had merely dammed it up, which could be as dangerous as preventing the flow of water. Three years later King Li was expelled by the nobles, who chose two of their own to rule until the crown prince was installed. The use of writing and record-keeping was already so extensive in China that after this event in 841 BC dates are generally considered to be accurate. Incursions from the north occurred during the 45-year reign of Xuan that began in 827 BC.

In 771 BC King Yu was killed by invading barbarians, and the resulting split between two courts led to the acceptance of the eastern capital as primary, marking the beginning of the Eastern Zhou period. The practice of concubines was still common, and women were expected to be subservient. Although peasants might choose their own mates, the marriages of the aristocrats were usually arranged by the powerful older generation of the family. For three months before she was presented to her husband's ancestral spirits, the wife was on trial and could be returned to her family. A man could divorce his wife for as little reason as her talking too much. Extended families tended to live together under the authority of the patriarch and the matriarch. The duty of filial piety was paramount. The Zhou patriarch Wen Wang opposed the use of alcohol except in the ceremonies, as the fall of the Shang dynasty was attributed to excessive drinking.

The ruler's ancestral temple was the most important building, where diplomatic banquets were held and from which military expeditions began. Thus religion and the state were combined. The use of writing was so extensive in ancient China that for about three thousand years until the 18th century CE the number of books in Chinese was greater than all the other books in the world. By the time of Confucius in the sixth century BC there were already six classics:

1) Yi Jing (Book of Changes), the classic of philosophy,
2) Shi Jing (Book of Odes), the classic of poetry,
3) Yi Li (Ceremonial Etiquette), the classic of propriety,
4) Shu Jing (Book of Documents), the classic of history,
5) Chun Qiu (Spring and Autumn Annals), a chronicle of Lu,
6) a classic of music lost by the time of the Han dynasty.

These supplemented by the Zuo Zhuan, a commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, Sun-zi's Art of War, Zhan Guo Ce (Intrigues of the Warring States), and Sima Qian's Shi Chi will reveal much of the ethics of the ancient Zhou ways. From the sixth to the third centuries several outstanding philosophers had immense influence on the entire history of Chinese culture. Confucianism will be discussed in the life and works of Confucius, Mencius, and Xun-zi. Daoism is revealed in the works of Lao-zi, Zhuang-zi, and Lie-zi. Mo-zi founded his own religion, and the legalism of Han Fei-zi greatly influenced the forming of the Qin empire. The short-lived Qin dynasty and the first part of the Han dynasty are extensively portrayed in the writings of the great historian Sima Qian.
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Yi Jing (Book of Changes)
The legendary creator of what came to be the Yi Jing is said to be Fu Xi, who is associated with hunting and fishing and the invention of cooking. The eight trigrams using the dual principles of yang and yin are surely quite ancient. References are also made to early versions in the Xia and Shang dynasties, but the main authorship of the 64 hexagrams is credited to King Wen (who was supposed to have written the judgments while imprisoned by the last Shang king) and to his son, the Duke of Zhou, who originated the readings for the changing lines. This oracle does seem to have replaced the bones and tortoise shells used by the Shang, and it is surmised that the primitive line combinations are derived from attempts to read the cracks on the oracle bones. Often called the Changes of Zhou (Zhou I), it was primarily a Zhou book.

Computers are based on this simple system of constant choices between two principles. The yang is represented by a solid line and relates to the male, light, creative, heaven, firm, active, and so on. The yin is shown as a broken line and refers to the female, dark, receptive, earth, yielding, passive, etc. A line obviously has two possibilities, a double line four, a trigram eight, and the doubled trigram or hexagram sixty-four. The process of change is created by a three-step process of determining each line by adding yin 2s and yang 3s, resulting in a yang 7, a yin 8, a yang 9 or a yin 6, the last two being so strongly yang or yin that they will change into their opposites, yielding a new hexagram.

The ancient way of consulting the oracle used fifty yarrow sticks, separating them into two piles, and pulling them out by fours. Later for convenience three coins could be tossed six times. However, the process with the yarrow sticks contains a bias toward changing yang lines or 9s, because the first 2 or 3 in each line has a three in four chance of being a 3. Thus the chance of getting a changing yang line is three times greater than getting a changing yin line, but this is more than balanced toward yin, because 8s are more likely than sevens and because the nines change into yin lines, resulting in a second hexagram with more chances for yin lines than for yang. Though changes are more likely to be made by the male principle, in the ancient Chinese way of using the oracle, the eventual results favor the female principle.

One of the oldest books in China, the Yi Jing was used for centuries and studied by Confucius, who is credited with writing the commentaries, though much of these were probably written by his followers. The Shuo Gua, which discusses the eight trigrams, is quite ancient though. It begins,

In ancient times the holy sages made the Book of Changes thus:

They invented the yarrow-stalk oracle
in order to lend aid in a mysterious way to the light of the gods.
To heaven they assigned the number three
and to earth the number two;
from these they computed the other numbers.

They contemplated the changes in the dark and the light
and established the hexagrams in accordance with them.
They brought about movements in the firm and the yielding,
and thus produced the individual lines.

They put themselves in accord with the way and its power,
and in conformity with this laid down the order of what is right.
By thinking through the order of the outer world to the end,
and by exploring the law of their nature to the deepest core,
they arrived at an understanding of fate.1

The text goes on to say that they determined the way of heaven is dark and light, the way of earth yielding and firm, and the human way loving and just. The first two lines represent the earth, the middle two humans, and the top two heaven. The trigrams correlate with the eight directions, the seasons, the family of father, mother, three sons, and three daughters, and so on.

Though in Chinese cosmology the five elements are fire, earth, water, wood, and metal, the trigrams are based on the four elements found in most ancient cultures representing energy, solid, gas, and liquid as fire, earth, air (wind), and water along with the four related forms of thunder, the mountain, heaven, and the lake. Heaven is creative, earth receptive, thunder arousing, wind gentle, fire clinging or clear, water abysmal or dangerous, the mountain still, and the lake joyous. The first three lines represent the inner and the top three the outer. Once light and dark have been created, there may be good and bad fortune, remorse and humiliation, but no blame means that one is in a position to correct one's mistakes.

Not necessarily fatalistic, the book is designed to offer counsel for different situations so that people may control more wisely their own destinies by understanding circumstances better. Ultimately one may go back to the beginnings of things and pursue them to their ends, understanding birth and death. The union of seed and power produces everything, but the escape of the soul brings about change. Thus the conditions of outgoing and returning spirits may be known. By resembling heaven and earth people do not have to be in conflict with them. Through wisdom one may bring order to the world, be active and not carried away by fate nor worried. Being content with circumstances one may be genuine in kindness and so practice love. Consulting the Yi Jing, one may observe before speaking and discuss before moving, thus perfecting the changes and transformations. Through words and actions the superior person moves heaven and earth. The Da Zhuan (Great Treatise) also states that sages fasted "in order to make their natures divinely clear."2

The commentary on the first hexagram, the creative, states that superior people can govern because they embody love, can unite people through propriety because they bring about the harmonious cooperation of all that is beautiful, can bring them harmony through justice because they further all beings, and can carry out all actions because they persevere and are firm. Here the Confucian influence is clearly seen. Also the superior person learns to gather material and sort it out through questioning in order to become generous and kind. The character of the great is in accord with heaven and earth. The arrogant know how to press forward but not how to draw back, know existence but not annihilation. Only the holy know both without losing their true nature.

The commentary on the second hexagram draws on Daoist ideas about the use of the feminine yin, which is the way of the earth, the wife, and the one who serves. One should serve the king as the dark possesses beauty but veils it, not claiming the completed work though bringing it about vicariously. When heaven and earth are creating in change and transformation, the capable withdraw into the dark. When the eminent subordinate themselves to those below, they win the hearts of the people. The sixth line reading of the hexagram Youthful Folly offers the warning not to commit transgressions while punishing; it is better to prevent transgressions so that both those above and below conform to order.

The sequence of the cosmology is from heaven and earth to individual things to the two sexes to the relationships of husband and wife, then father and son, prince and servant, and superior and inferior based on the rules of propriety. Heaven and earth stimulate each other, and the holy stimulate the hearts of the people so that the world can attain peace. There are other Chinese oracles and cosmologies, but the Yi Jing is by far the oldest and most influential. Its reflections on various situations represent the beginning of philosophy in China.

Shi Jing (Book of Odes)
The Book of Odes is the oldest poetry to influence later generations in China. Though some of them may be older, most of the poems are thought to have been composed in the eighth or seventh centuries BC. They are often quoted in the works of Confucius. Many are love songs of courtship and marriage. In one a young man promises to love her forever. In another a young woman asks her lover not to break the willows nor climb over the wall, not because she doesn't love him, but because she is afraid of what her parents, brothers, and people will say. Another fears being seduced and abandoned. A third has run away from her family, and the metaphor of rain and a rainbow implies that she is pregnant; the poet doubted that the man will fulfill his promises, because he "is bent on high connections."3

Usually marriage is arranged by talking with her parents, but "without a match-maker he cannot get her."4 The double standard of sex can be found in China, as a woman warned ladies not to take their pleasure with men, though a man taking his pleasure may be condoned. She complained that she suffered three years of poverty with him and never neglected her work, but he was the one who altered his ways and was unfaithful. First he took to finding fault with her, and then he became rough with her. Her brothers have disowned her and laughed at her, but thinking it over calmly she takes responsibility for bringing it all upon herself.

The poems on war include this complaint:

Minister of War,
We are the king's claws and fangs.
Why should you roll us on from misery to misery,
Giving us no place to stop in or take rest?

Minister of War,
We are the king's claws and teeth.
Why should you roll us from misery to misery,
Giving us no place to come to and stay?

Minister of War,
Truly you are not wise.
Why should you roll us from misery to misery?
We have mothers who lack food.5

Another poem describes how the people are ordered by the king to bring out their carts. The king's services bring them hardships and no time to rest, but they fear the writing on the tablets. Once the enemy's chiefs have been captured and bound as criminals, they can return home again. Several poems celebrated the Zhou revolutionary defeat of the Shang dynasty and the exploits of King Wen, King Wu, and the Duke of Zhou, who is credited with showing compassion to the people.

Many poems express a religious faith that God or the spirits will reward good behavior. Others call forth blessings and ask for increase and abundance for all. Blessings are secured by following the old ways without malice or hate. Inward spiritual power is linked to one's ancestor spirits. The fall of the Shang dynasty is used as a warning that one should never shame one's ancestors, or one will bring ruin upon oneself. King Wen is offered as an example, who asked why should the violent Shang men be in office and in power, they who support slanders, brigands and thieves. He declared that resentment is building up against them so that none backs them anymore. The Shang are flushed with wine and disorderly in manners, and they do not follow the old ways. Even if they have no wise men, at least they could follow their own laws; but they do not listen to heaven's great charge. Even the Shang had a mirror in history in the Xia dynasty which they had overthrown.

In feasting warnings are given against drinking too much and carousing. When people are drunk, they don't know what blunders they commit. Drinking wine may be fortunate if it is done with decency, but after three cups one no longer knows what one is saying. Aristocrats are asked to set good examples for the common people to follow, but a man without dignity, poise, and manners is better off dead. Dignified manners help power, but nothing is as strong as goodness. One taking counsel widely, far-seeing in plans, timely in announcing them, and using proper decorum becomes a pattern for the people.

But a poet complained that today's rulers have brought confusion into government with wild drinking orgies and dissipation. The ruler ought to pay attention to the views of commoners as well as gentlemen and be cautious in speaking because it is easier to polish scratched jade than take back a slip of the tongue. One should not be rash in words because secrets are not often kept. The prince is counseled not to usurp nor go beyond his rights. The wise listen to the ancient sayings and follow the way of inner power, but the fool says he has a right to his own ideas. The poet then speaks to his son, who appears to him heedless of his advice; he is a grandfather and should know. If the son does not take his advice, his people will be reduced to extremities; for heaven is sending calamities and destroying the country.

Other poets also lamented that the young do not pay attention to their fathers and mothers nor the disorders of the land. Slanders replace advice and are increasing. Those who speak of caution are considered disloyal. One complained that there is no land that is not the king's, and no one who is not the king's slave. Another poet suggested not escorting the big chariot and thinking about the sorrows of the world, or one will only be loaded with care and despair. A third poet warned against going too close to the king, because the one who reproves him will be slaughtered by him. These poems became a textbook for many generations, and diplomats were expected at least to be aware of their content if not able to quote from them to make their points.

Li (Propriety)
Several books were used at different times as the classic on propriety, ritual, and etiquette. The oldest is the Yi Li, which means ceremonial etiquette. After the burning of the books by the Qin dynasty in 213 BC, the text was recited from memory by Gao Tang. Other portions of the ancient text were found when the house of Confucius was torn down by Emperor Jing in the middle of the second century BC. The scholar Cheng Kandcheng in the second century CE combined these two to reconstruct the book. Another similar book on rituals was the Zhou Li, and eventually the Confucian Li Ji became the classic of propriety.

The Yi Li gives detailed instructions for formal behavior and manners in regard to the capping of an officer's son (initiation into manhood), marriage of an officer and visits of officers, banquets, archery contests, missions to other states, audience with the king, and extensive instructions for mourning and funeral arrangements. Precedent is considered quite important, and one is often instructed to refuse at first before accepting an honor. One of the four directions is often specified, and there is much bowing and descriptions of simple tasks like pouring wine and offering food. When an officer visits another, he is told what to discuss and even where to direct his gaze.

In speaking with the Prince, one talks of one's official business;
with an official, of one's service of his Prince;
with older men, of the control of children;
with young people, of their filial and brotherly duties;
with the common man, of geniality and goodness;
with those in minor offices, of loyalty and sincerity.

In speaking to an official, one begins by looking him in the face
to gauge one's chances of a favorable reception;
towards the middle of an interview one looks at his breast
as an indication of one's trust in him
and also respect, indicated by the lowering of the eyes;
and at the end of the interview one's eyes are again
directed to his face, to see how he is impressed.
The order is never changed, and is used in all cases.

In the case of a father, the son's eyes are allowed to wander,
but not higher than the face, so as not to seem too proud,
nor lower than the girdle.

If one is not speaking, then,
when the other is standing, one looks at his feet,
and, if he sits, at his knees, in sign of humility.6

The importance placed on so many details of manners meant that tradition and education became essential in order for one to be accepted in this social world. They probably stabilized behavior and made change difficult, though it did allow anyone to rise to a higher social status if one got the proper education.

Shu Jing (Book of Documents)
The collection of ancient documents that became the classic of history for the Chinese was well known to Confucius, Mencius, and Xun-zi. The Shu Jing we have was put together in the early Han dynasty after the burning of the books when scholars such as Fu Sheng wrote down in a more modern script what they remembered. Then ancient documents were found in the wall of the Confucius house and elsewhere, and the ancient script was added, though later scholars questioned its authenticity, saying that it was forged from various quotes of ancient authors. Either way most of it seems to be based on very ancient material.

The Shu Jing begins with the Canon of Yao, a sacred writing about the most ancient Chinese ruler. Yao is described as being naturally reverential, intelligent, accomplished, and thoughtful. He governed so well that all the people became brightly intelligent, and even the black-haired people were transformed. Yao was said to have lived for 99 years and ruled for seventy until the middle of the twenty-third century BC, when he appointed Shun as his successor, because Shun had overcome bad parents with his filial piety and led them to self-government.

The Canon of Shun describes how Shun encouraged men of virtue and talent, listened to the views of all, tried not to oppress the helpless nor neglect the poor, as only a di could do. Di can mean God or ruler or both. Shun mitigated the cruel punishments of branding, mutilation, castration, and death with fines, exile, and death only for repeated and presumptuous transgressions. Shun is advised by Yi to observe the laws, employ men of worth, use the light of reason, not to go against what is right to win praise from people nor oppose the people's wishes to follow his own desires. Shun is commended by Gaoyao, his Minister of Crime, for presiding with generous forbearance, not punishing the heirs of criminals nor inadvertent and doubtful crimes. Rather than execute an innocent person, he would rather risk irregularity and error.

Near the end of Shun's thirty-year rule, he recognized the ability of Yu and declared that heaven had appointed him his successor. All his advisors agreed, and the decision was confirmed by divination. When the people of Miao rebelled, Yi counseled Yu to use virtue, because pride brings loss but humility increase. Just as Shun had transformed his parents with virtue, Yu drew back his troops and implemented the virtues of peace; after seventy days the lord of the Miao came to terms. The Counsels of Gaoyao for Yu contain a description of the following nine virtues:

Affability combined with dignity;
mildness combined with firmness;
bluntness combined with respectfulness;
aptness for government combined with reverent caution;
docility combined with boldness;
straightforwardness combined with gentleness;
an easy negligence combined with discrimination
boldness combined with sincerity;
and valor combined with justice.7

Yu believed that Gaoyao's words may be put into practice and will be crowned with success.

Yao had appointed Yu the Earl of Xia; thus when he began the tradition of hereditary succession, the Xia dynasty was born and lasted for almost five hundred years before it was overthrown by the Shang. The first book on the Xia dynasty describes the rivers and soil of the various provinces and Yu's labors to regulate the waters and prevent floods. In the second book the king (probably Yu's son) threatened his soldiers on the verge of a battle that if they did not obey his orders, not only would they be killed but their children as well. Thus already the limitations of hereditary rule are seen in comparison with choosing leaders based on ability and virtue.

Tai Kang was considered so lifeless because he went out to hunt so much that his five brothers complained he allowed the country to fall into ruin, and so they revolted against him. In the other book on the Xia dynasty one of these brothers was attempting to bring order by punishing bad ministers, though he claimed he would not punish those who were forced to follow them, as he led his soldiers into battle.

The Shang dynasty traced its lineage to Xieh, who was appointed Minister of Instruction by Shun. Fourteen generations later there arose Tang, who became the founding king of the new dynasty. In his speech Tang declared that the many crimes of the Xia sovereign had caused heaven to turn against him. Jieh, the last Xia king, had exhausted the people and oppressed the cities; the people no longer felt bound to serve him. Tang claimed to be the one appointed by heaven to punish him. When Tang banished Jieh, he felt ashamed and had his minister explain that heaven provides a person of intelligence to govern when the previous ruler is no longer virtuous. The able and right-principled are to be favored; the good have freedom; the weak are absorbed, and the willfully blind punished. Disorderly states going to ruin should be taken over by a virtuous ruler. Order comes from justice and propriety. Those who question and learn grow and come to dominion, but those who think themselves superior and listen to no one come to ruin. Then King Tang himself announced that the Xia tyrant had caused suffering and protest. The way of heaven blesses the good and makes the bad miserable. Thus Tang dealt with the Xia ruler as a criminal.

Tang was succeeded by his grandson, Tai Jia, who was warned by Yi Yin against the ten evil ways of constant dancing, drunken singing, extravagance with women, wealth, wandering, hunting, despising wise words, resisting the upright, ignoring the old and virtuous, and keeping the company of impudent youths. Finding the young sovereign disobedient, Yi Yin confined the king in a palace near his father's tomb for the traditional three years of mourning, after which the king returned sincerely virtuous. Yi Yin counseled him that people cherish those who are benevolent, and the spirits respond only to sincere sacrifices. An intelligent sovereign is careful whom he follows. Like his grandfather, Tai Jia should cultivate virtue so that he can be a friend of the supreme God. He must begin low to rise high and not slight the people's occupations; be as careful at the end as at the beginning. When hearing distasteful words, he must inquire if they are right; when hearing words that accord with his own views, he must inquire if they are contrary to what is right. Nothing can be attained without careful thought nor accomplished without diligent effort. The appointment of heaven can change if one is not constant in virtue. The Xia were overthrown, because they lost their virtue and oppressed the people.

The latter half of the Shang dynasty is referred to as the Yin dynasty. The twentieth Shang king, Wuding, dreamed that God gave him a good assistant, who would speak for him. Searching the kingdom with a picture, they found the builder Yue, and Wuding instructed Yueh how he could help him. Yue warned that the mouth can lead to shame and militarism to war. Before weapons are used, one should examine oneself. Good government, depending on good officers, offices should not be given to favorites but to the able and worthy. Careful thought before movement at the proper time is best, but the vanity of thinking one is good can lose the merit one's ability might produce. Shame for a mistake should not be perpetuated into a crime. Too many ceremonies bring disorder. The king thanked Yue, who replied that it is not the knowing that is difficult but the doing.

Finally the Shang dynasty deteriorated into drinking and disorder. The Count of Wei declared that the house of Yin could no longer rule, because their mad indulgence in spirits had destroyed their ancient virtue. The people, small and great, had taken to highway robbery, villainy, and treachery. Nobles and officers competed in violating the laws, and criminals were rarely apprehended. The common people rose up and committed violent outrages on one another. Yin was sinking into ruin.

Most of the thirty books of Zhou concern the beginnings of the Zhou dynasty. In the Great Declaration King Wu explained his reasons for taking up arms against the Shang king. The tyrant Shou was accused of not reverencing heaven, inflicting calamities and atrocities on the people, and abandoning himself to drink, lust, and luxury. Offices were hereditary, and his ministers had become as corrupt as he was and were fighting each other to extermination. Punishments had been extended to the relatives of the offenders. King Wu cited the example of how the first Shang ruler overthrew the corrupt Xia dynasty, because King Jieh had lost the mandate of heaven. Shou had treated badly and degraded his best officers. King Wu believed that he had been appointed by heaven to take over the government, because he was backed by virtuous men and the people. The ancients had said that the one who soothes them is their sovereign, while the one who oppresses them is their enemy.

King Wu also presented a Great Plan he claimed was given to the ancient Yu, which included the cosmology of the five elements of water, fire, wood, metal, and earth; the five personal matters of bodily demeanor, speech, seeing, hearing, and thinking; and the eight governmental objects of food, wealth, sacrifices, works, instruction, criminal justice, observances for guests, and the army. The sovereign ought to reward virtue and not oppress the friendless and childless nor fear the distinguished. Let competent ministers cultivate good conduct. Like heaven itself, the sovereign should not show partiality or selfishness. The three virtues include strong rule during violence and disorder, mild rule during harmony and order, and correct straightforwardness during peace and tranquillity.

A story of a metal-bound coffer tells how when King Wu was ill and dying the Duke of Zhou offered his own life to the spirits in his place, writing his prayer on a document and sealing it in the coffer. King Wu did recover, but the Duke of Zhou lived on also. Five years later King Wu died, and some suspected that the Duke of Zhou might try to take the throne. Actually the Duke of Zhou spent two years in the east fighting off rebellions. Wu's son, King Cheng, discovered the coffer and, moved to tears, invited the Duke of Zhou back to the court.

Having been allowed to live, many of the Shang nobility rebelled with some of the Zhou king's brothers. After this revolt was put down by the Duke of Zhou, King Cheng invited the Count of Wei to take over the Shang inheritance and rule in Song, because he had been degraded by the last king and refused to fight on either side out of both virtue and loyalty. In this way the Shang sacrifices and spiritual tradition were allowed to continue during the Zhou period. The early Zhou kings continually emphasized the importance of ruling by virtue. They followed the penal laws of King Wen and avoided using only terror and violence.

One announcement warned against drunkenness, which was blamed for the ruination of the Shang dynasty. King Wen recommended that spirits only be used on the occasion of sacrifices. Overseers were advised not to give way to violence and oppression but to show reverence for the friendless and find helping connections for women in need.

Early in the reign of King Cheng, the Duke of Shao and the Duke of Zhou arranged for the building of a new city in Luo, where many of the defeated Yin people had been removed. They advised the king to be aware that the favor of heaven is not certain but must be continually earned through the virtue of reverence. If the king avoids excessive violence and capital punishment, the people will imitate his virtue. The Yin people were encouraged to work hard and prosper and cease their disaffection. The Duke of Zhou claimed that heaven helped the Zhou and defeated the Yin, because heaven supports the virtuous and punishes wrong-doers.

The Duke of Zhou described this ethical philosophy of history in his advice to King Cheng when he retired from the court. He contrasted the long and successful reigns of the first three Shang kings to the shorter and worse terms of the later Yin rulers. He pointed to the model of King Wen, who dressed simply, worked in agriculture, and did not hunt excessively in contrast to the last Yin tyrant, who abandoned himself to drunkenness. Although his own brothers had rebelled against him with the Yin, the Duke of Zhou forgave the son of one of these rebels because he showed virtue and merited an office.

The six ministries of the early Zhou governments were to continue in China for about three thousand years. The Prime Minister presided over the management of the officers and secured uniformity in the kingdom. The Minister of Instruction was responsible for education in the states, diffusing knowledge of human obligations and training the military in obedience. The Minister of Religions presided over ceremonies and regulated religious services. The Minister of War oversaw the military forces and the security of the borders. The Minister of Crime enforced the laws by apprehending and punishing wrong-doers. The Minister of Works presided over the land, the four classes of people, and the proper seasons for farming.

The Duke of Zhou's influence lasted long after his death. Counselors recalled his advice that officers follow a middle course to punish those who are disobedient to government, remembering that the end of punishment is to end punishing. Here is some of his advice:

Do not cherish anger against the obstinate, and dislike them.
Seek not every quality in one individual.
You must have patience, and you will be successful;
have forbearance, and your virtue will be great.
Mark those who discharge their duties well,
and also mark those who do not do so.
Advance the good, to induce those who may not be so to follow.

The people are born good, and are changed by things,
so that they resist what their superiors command,
and follow what they love.
Do you but reverently observe the statutes,
and they will be found in virtue;
they will thus all be changed;
and truly advance to a great degree of excellence.8

In the last book of the Shu Jing Duke Mu of Qin in 631 BC forgave his three counselors, who impetuously had advised him to make a treacherous attack on Jin which failed and resulted in their capture. When they were returned for punishment by the Marquis of Jin, Duke Mu took responsibility himself for the defeat because he foolishly listened to their youthful counsel rather than his older and wiser advisors.

It is easy to see why the Shu Jing became a classic. This book of ancient historical documents was to have a tremendous influence on Chinese politics and philosophy, offering models of ethical behavior to rulers for centuries to come.
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只看该作者 93 发表于: 2009-03-14
Spring and Autumn Era
The decline of the feudal system resulted from the rising influence of a growing educated class, which gained influence in government and commerce because of their ability. The word shi, which originally meant a knight, came to mean a literary person. States run by what later became a thriving bureaucracy gained power and consolidated themselves under monarchical government. As states began to tax individual landowners, peasants worked themselves free of their masters and practiced a labor-intensive agriculture for a mostly vegetarian diet. Millet was supplemented by wheat in the north and rice from the south, and soybeans helped to revive the soil.

The Chun Qiu , which means Spring and Autumn, summarizes important events by season and year from 722 to about 470 BC. Though the extant text is written from the viewpoint of Lu and is dated by its rulers, the events listed include all the civilized states of China. During this period a balance of power arose among the states of Qi, Qin, Jin, and Chu, although the small state of Zhou in the middle was still recognized as the nominal ruler of the Chinese world. Mencius claimed that Confucius composed the Spring and Autumn Annals and quoted Confucius as saying that he would be understood and condemned for it. However, it is unlikely that this dry chronicle of events was composed by the philosophical Confucius.

The work that describes the history of the Spring and Autumn era is the Zuo Zhuan (Commentary by Zuo on the Chun Qiu) . Much of this work seems to be early writing, though some comments and prophecies may have been put in as late as the middle of the fourth century BC. This book does describe events more fully and offer moral lessons and occasional comments, some by Confucius.

Followed by the Period of Warring States until the unification of China in 221 BC, these five centuries had almost constant wars. In 722 BC there were about 120 feudal states that acknowledged fealty to the Zhou king as the son of heaven. As the stronger states took over the weaker ones, by the end of the Spring and Autumn era there were only about 40 states. In the Period of Warring States these were reduced to seven, and in 221 the most of powerful of these, Qin, established the empire named after them we call China.

The feudal aristocracy eventually collapsed as ministers from powerful families enhanced their positions through warmaking. As war became less chivalrous, infantry and cavalry replaced knights fighting with chariots. Instead of calling on vassals like family members, taxes were used to raise armies. Tenant farmers could own their own land, but heavy taxes and usury led to consolidation of land-owning by the wealthy. As the powerful families fought with each other, they turned for help to the educated class of officials, who gained influence in increasingly bureaucratized administrations. Thus these were times of great change and social mobility, as aristocratic families were wiped out or banished to obscurity, and others with education or wealth earned in commerce or industry rose to great influence.

In 719 BC we find a high official of Lu advising his Duke that violence is not the way to gain the support of one's people. Commenting on Zhouxu, who rose to power in Wei by assassinating the previous duke, Guan Zhong said that by relying on cruelty and military force he has few followers and allies. Military force is like fire - if it is not kept in check, it may consume the user.

Guan Zhong was poor but was helped by his friend Bao Shuya. While the latter served one of the Duke's sons, Xiaobo, Guan Zhong served another son, Jiu, under Duke Xi of Qi (r. 730-698 BC). According to Han Fei-zi, Guan Zhong and Bao Shu agreed to recommend each other to whichever prince succeeded. When Duke Xiang (r. 697-686 BC) was killed in a civil war, Xiaobo became Duke Huan (r. 685-645 BC); Jiu was killed, and Guan Zhong was imprisoned. However, Duke Huan of Qi appointed Guan Zhong prime minister (even though Guan in supporting his brother had shot an arrow that hit his sash buckle in the struggle for power). Yet Bao Shuya stepped aside himself and recommended Guan Zhong to Duke Huan, saying Guan's ability could give the duke greater power. Though Bao worked under Guan, he was admired more because of his ability to appreciate men.

Duke Huan wanted to begin by strengthening his armed forces, but Guan Zhong recommended that he put his arms in storage, since for being on good terms with the feudal lords abroad and the people at home expending wealth on people is better than spending it on arms. In the second year Duke Huan went ahead with the production of arms anyway, and the year after that he wanted to attack Song; but Guan Zhong said that if the internal government is not strengthened, ventures abroad will not be successful. Duke Huan attacked Song anyway, and the feudal lords helped Song to defeat the troops of Qi. Continuing to defy Guan's advice, Duke Huan strengthened the armed forces and gave salaries to the brave; but Guan managed to keep the internal government in order secretly even while those contending for salaries were slashing each other to pieces and breaking necks. Next Duke Huan attacked Lu against Guan's advice. By 682 BC Qi had assembled 100,000 armored troops and 5,000 chariots, but Guan Zhong noted that there were other states just as powerful. Guan felt that since Qi was trying to use arms instead of moral force, the country was in danger. While the Duke of Lu threatened Duke Huan and himself with a sword, Guan Zhong suggested a compromise that was accepted.

After this, Duke Huan began to follow Guan Zhong's advice, which warned that a prince should not be greedy for territory or devote himself to the use of arms, because it distresses the people and makes deceit prevalent. Instead of attacking them, Duke Huan enfeoffed several small states. Finally Duke Huan agreed with Guan Zhong to strengthen the country, and he lightened taxes, relaxed customs restrictions, and regulated government levies and salaries. Next Guan suggested that he inquire after the sick and reward people rather than punish them. If he could do this for five years, the feudal lords would support him. After spreading around gifts abroad and domestically and getting capable men to manage relations with other states, Duke Huan's political control increased such that when the Di people attacked, the feudal lords all sent troops to help defeat the Di.

Duke Huan followed the counsel of Guan Zhong in encouraging the feudal lords to gather three years' provisions before strengthening their arms. His power was further advanced by offering to help militarily those who did this but still did not have enough armed forces. Finally Guan Zhong recommended that the relations between princes and ministers be harmonized by not setting up concubines as legal wives or killing their great ministers. Feudal lords were not to manipulate boundaries, hoard grain, nor prohibit the gathering of natural resources. Once these policies were established for at least a year, then punishments and rewards could be implemented. Instead of the death penalty and corporal punishment, criminals could redeem themselves by supplying arms.

As prime minister, Guan Zhong instituted many other reforms including state ownership of salt and iron. In an economic policy known as balancing the heavy and the light, he promoted commerce by standardizing weight scales and coins. Guan Zhong shared the people's likes and dislikes by giving them what they wanted and abolishing what they rejected. Sima Qian quotes from the book named Guan-zi.

When the granaries are full,
the people will understand social codes and moderation.
When their food and clothing are adequate,
they will understand honor and disgrace.
If the sovereign complies with the rules,
the six relationships will be secure.
If the four guidelines do not prevail,
the nation will perish.
The orders handed down like the source of a river
will be in accord with the hearts of the people.9

The six relationships are with father, mother, elder brother, younger brother, wife, and children, and the four guidelines or virtues are propriety, justice, integrity, and conscience. Guan also wrote, "Knowing that 'to give is to receive' is the most precious thing in governing."10 Confucius credited Guan Zhong with helping Duke Huan to bring unity and order to the entire realm, which they still enjoyed two centuries later. Were it not for Guan Zhong, Confucius admitted, they might be wearing their hair loose and folding their clothes like the barbarians.

Guan Zhong ordered the Lord of Yen to follow the governmental policies of the ancient Duke of Shao and insisted that Duke Huan keep his word in the convention of Ko. With his reforms and skillful diplomacy Guan helped Qi to become the most powerful state, and all of the feudal lords submitted to Qi. In 679 BC Duke Huan of Qi achieved the power and prestige known as ba (First Noble) and acted as the protector of state affairs for the Zhou king.

Until 591 BC this office of First Noble or protector was assumed by the most powerful of the rulers, who repelled invasions, punished the disobedient, arbitrated differences among the state rulers, received the revenues that before had gone to the king, and even settled disputes among the royal family.

When Guan Zhong was dying, Duke Huan asked what he should do after his wise counselor's death. Guan did not recommend his friend Bao Shuya to replace himself, because he was so inflexible in his hatred of evil that he could not forget a single deed to the end of his life. Then Guan suggested that the duke send away four men, who had ingratiated themselves into influence by denying their own children and families and one his own body by castration. Such men will not love him, he said. After Guan died, Duke Huan dismissed all four of them, but he then suffered a nervous breakdown and confusion in his court. So he restored the four men, but a year later they launched a coup against him; when the duke died in 645 BC, they did not even bury his body.

When the state of Jin was suffering a drought, Duke Mu of Qin refused to attack them, as one advisor had suggested, but sent them large shipments of grain. However, two years later when Qin was suffering a famine, Duke Yiwu of Jin, who had broken numerous promises, refused to ship grain to Qin but rather launched an attack against them in 645 BC. Duke Yiwu's chariot bogged down in the mud, and Duke Mu and his men tried to capture him but were surrounded by the Jin army. However, Duke Mu was saved by three hundred men he had earlier pardoned for eating one of his prize horses when they were starving at Mt. Qi. Though Jin's army was larger, they lost because the Qin fighters were more spirited, the Zuo Zhuan making the moral and psychological factors in warfare apparent. Duke Yiwu's advisor refused to rescue his duke caught in the mud, because he had neglected his advice.

Thus Duke Yiwu was captured and taken to Qin; but Duke Mu released him, because his wife, who was Yiwu's sister, and the Zhou sovereign requested it. He then made peace with Jin on the counsel that if he killed their ruler, hatred would be stored up. Abusing others is bad policy, doubling hatred and bringing about misfortune. When the Duke of Jin returned home, he had his advisor, who refused to flee, put to death for bringing about his defeat. Once again Duke Mu of Qin sent grain to Jin in their time of need, treating their people with kindness, hoping that a competent ruler would appear. In the end Qin did receive the land west of the Yellow River promised by Jin and began collecting taxes there.

When Yiwu died in 637 BC, his older brother Zhong Er (also called Duke Wen) returned from twenty years exile and with Duke Mu's help overcame Yiwu's son Yu to gain the rulership of Jin. In 632 BC he defeated the Chu at Chengbu, and he withdrew from Yuan (even though they were about to capitulate) in order to keep his word. Duke Wen of Jin was appointed ba or protector of the feudal rulers. The opposing general withdrew because of three military maxims - when facing an equal, retire; when difficulties lie ahead, withdraw; and a virtuous man cannot be opposed. When Duke Wen offered to restore the rulers of Cao and Wei, those rulers broke off their alliance with Chu. Though before he had tried to provoke an attack, now Duke Wen graciously withdrew when the Chu general attacked him, because Chu had showed him kindness in his exile. Finally victorious over Chu, Duke Wen called for an audience with the Zhou sovereign for which he was later criticized by the traditional Confucius.

How the chivalry in war was disappearing can be seen in an incident in which a Song official turned his halberd around to pull his opponent out of a well, after which the opponent killed him. The commentator declared that he had departed from propriety and disobeyed orders in saving his enemy and therefore deserved to die.

Filial piety is shown in the story of a starving man who is given food by Zhao Dun, but he packs up half of it to take it to his mother. Later the same man, while acting as one of the Duke's guards, turned his halberd against the other guards, who were going to kill Zhao Dun for criticizing his wicked ruler. Later the ruler was assassinated before Zhao Dun had crossed the border. So he returned but did not punish the assassin, although they did send for the legitimate successor. A historian wrote that Zhao Dun assassinated his ruler, and Confucius declared that Zhao Dun was a good official, who accepted a bad name for the sake of a principle.

The morality of the Zuo Zhuan is that attacking the rebellious is an act of punishment, and being gentle with the submissive is an act of virtue. Loyalty was also highly valued. One emissary who was caught agreed to be bribed in order to fulfill his mission even though he had to lie and break a promise to the bribers. Yet filial loyalty had its limits too. Wei Ko's father, when he became ill, asked him to see that his concubine was married; but when the illness became worse, he asked that she be killed and buried with him. The son followed the earlier orders when his father's mind was clearer, and he was later rewarded when he captured an old man in battle who appeared to him in a dream to tell him that he was the woman's father and was thanking him. Yet truthfulness was so valued by historians that three brothers were executed in succession for writing that a usurper had assassinated the duke; but when the fourth brother stepped forward, the murderer finally relented. Two years later the assassin and his family were killed by a fellow prime minister.

In 597 BC Jin was defeated by the armies of Chu king Zhuang, who was made protector. A major battle was fought between Qi and Jin in 589 BC. The incessant wars between Jin and Chu led Heang Seu of Song to go to Jin with a proposal for a comprehensive peace. He said, "War is destructive to the people, an insect that eats up the resources, and the greatest calamity of the small states."11 Arguing that if Jin did not accept the proposal, Chu would agree and draw all the states together, Jin agreed in order to keep the protectorship. Then he went to Chu, and they agreed also. Qi was reluctant to join but realized that it would disaffect the people if they refused to sanction the stopping of war. Heang Seu sent word to Qin, and they agreed. He notified all the smaller states and arranged a meeting at Song in 545 BC.

Jin and Chu, argued about which of them should have precedent but agreed to share the protectorship, although Qin and Qi were formally excepted because of their power and Chu and Tang because of their weakness. Otherwise all fourteen states agreed to the covenant of peace. Heang Seu asked for a reward for "arresting the cause of death" and was given sixty towns. However, Zihan, the Minister of Works, declared that it was the arms of Jin and Chu that kept the smaller states in awe. "Who can do away with the instruments of war?" he asked. "They have been long in requisition. It is by them that the lawless are kept in awe, and accomplished virtue is displayed."12 Denouncing the scheme as a delusion, he cut the document to pieces. Heang Seu consequently refused the towns, and his family wanted to attack Zihan; but Heang stopped them, saying he had been saved from ruin by him.

Nevertheless this agreement must have been effective for several years, because there were no wars for the next five years, only a battle with barbarians in the sixth year and no wars in the seventh and eighth years. This is by far the most peaceful part of the two and a half centuries of the Spring and Autumn era during which there was only one other time in which there were even two years in a row without a war.

During this lull, the ducal son of Wu made the following observations about music with their obvious implications for diplomacy and Chinese culture:

Direct but not overbearing, distant but not perfidious,
varied but not to excess, repetitive but not tiresomely so,
plaintive but not downcast, joyous but not unbridled,
employing but never depleting, expansive without being assertive,
doling out, yet not to a prodigal degree,
gathering in, yet not in a greedy manner,
resting without stagnating,
moving forward without becoming unduly facile.
The five notes are harmonized, the eight airs well balanced.
Movements that are measured,
restraints that are properly ordered -
these are qualities shared by all who abound in virtue.13

Likewise in the same peaceful period the Cheng prime minister Zichan disagreed with an official, who suggested they abolish the village schools, where they gathered to discuss government administration.

Why do that?
In the morning and evening when the people are at leisure
or have finished their work, they gather
to discuss the good and bad points of my administration.
The points they approve of I encourage,
and those they criticize I correct.
They are my teachers.
Why would I want to abolish them?
I have heard of wiping out resentment
by loyal service and good works,
but I have never heard of stopping it by force.
True, one can cut it off for a time.
But it is like damming up a river.
When there is a major break in the dikes,
many persons are bound to suffer.
If the people's resentment were to break out in the same way,
I would never be able to save the situation.
It is better to leave a little break in the dikes
for the water to drain off.
It is better that I hear the people's complaints
and make them my medicine.14

Zichan also advised Zipi not to put Yin Ho in charge of a city, because he is too young and inexperienced to handle this responsibility. One should learn before entering government, not enter government in order to learn.

Decisions made by the nobles during the feudal period were increasingly taken over by the rulers and ministers of the states, but laws were not promulgated in writing until the state of Zheng cast a criminal code in bronze in 536 BC. This formalizing of the law was protested by a Jin official as arbitrarily taking away from the judgment of superiors. When laws are exactly defined, he argued, people will lose respect for their superiors and in a contentious spirit try to get away with whatever does not violate the letter of the law. Such laws indicated the government has fallen into disorder. Punishments were used and could be severe, especially in military situations. In civil matters fines were often exacted, though great officers were rarely punished.

King Ling came to power in Chu by murdering his nephew and was never able to control his violent tendencies. Three of his younger brothers revolted, and he was replaced and died in 529 BC. He was not able to live up to the old saying quoted by Confucius, "To overcome oneself and return to propriety is the way of benevolence."15

Sun-zi's Art of War
According to the historian Sima Qian, Sun-zi was given an audience in the state of Wu. Having read the thirteen chapters of Sun-zi's Art of War, the king of Wu (r. 514-496 BC) invited him to demonstrate the drilling of troops with the king's concubines. Sun-zi explained the commands for marching, and the women all answered, "Yes, sir;" but when the drum signals were given, the women burst out laughing. Sun-zi realized that if the orders are not clear and the signals not familiar, the general is at fault. He repeated the signals several times, but the women responded by laughing again. Believing that when the signals are clear but not followed, the officers are at fault, Sun-zi ordered the left and right commanders (two of the king's favorite concubines) beheaded. The king sent a messenger to stop the executions, but Sun-zi disregarded the sovereign's command. After the two commanders were beheaded and replaced, the women obeyed the orders with serious precision. Not wanting to watch but impressed with Sun-zi's military ways, the king appointed him commander of his army.

Sima Qian reported that Sun-zi wrote The Art of War after having his feet amputated. This book on military strategy and tactics has been very influential throughout Chinese history and is still respected by military minds today. Though astute for a military context, it is typical of a war mentality. Sun-zi outlined the art of warmaking in relation to five factors he called moral law, heaven, earth, the commander, and method and discipline. However, his concept of moral law had been reduced to complete accord with the ruler so that soldiers will follow him in disregard of their own lives or danger. Heaven refers to weather and time factors. Earth is concerned with distances, terrain, and the chances of life and death. The virtues of a good commander are wisdom, sincerity, benevolence, courage, and strictness. Method and discipline include the divisions and ranks of the army, maintenance of roads and supplies, and military expenditures.

Sun-zi declared that all warfare is based on deception. Thus not only the value of life is disregarded but truthfulness as well. Calculations are made to assure that victory over the enemy is achieved. Sun-zi was extremely clever and observant of ways to take advantage of the enemy's situation. Nonetheless his goal was not to kill the enemy but to break the enemy's resistance without fighting if possible. Taking over the opponent's territory was preferable to destroying them. The general's first aim is to balk the enemy's plans, second to prevent the joining of their forces, third to attack them in the field, and the worst policy is to besiege a walled city. For Sun-zi knowledge of oneself and the enemy is what leads to victory. To know oneself and be ignorant of the enemy will result in defeats as well as victories, and to be ignorant of both will surely end in disaster. Spies were recommended to gain knowledge of the enemy's situation and plans.

Sun-zi said that the enlightened ruler plans ahead, and a good general cultivates his resources, controls his soldiers with authority, brings them together by good faith, and makes them useful with rewards. He clearly recommended careful discretion as well as valor in the following admonitions:

Move not unless you see an advantage;
use not your troops unless there is something to be gained;
fight not unless the position is critical.
No ruler should put troops into the field
merely to gratify his own spleen;
no general should fight a battle simply out of pique.
Anger may in time change to gladness;
vexation may be succeeded by content.
But a kingdom that has once been destroyed
can never come again into being;
nor can the dead ever be brought back to life.
Hence the enlightened ruler is heedful,
and the good general full of caution.
This is the way to keep a country at peace and an army intact.16

Thus Sun-zi offered intelligent advice for military commanders, but he never questioned the ethics of a system that uses violence and deceit to take advantage of other people's weaknesses. In 506 BC Wu invaded Chu, occupying its capital at Ying. The state of Wu was overlord to Yue in 494 BC and became the greatest military power in China by 482 BC and had connected the Yangzi to southern Shandong by canal; but merely nine years later they were destroyed and annexed by Yue, which became protector in 470 BC but was eventually taken over by Chu in 334 BC.

Period of Warring States
Our knowledge of the quarter of a millennium ending in 221 BC with the founding of the Qin empire comes mostly from the Chan Guo Ce (Intrigues of the Warring States) and Sima Qian's Shi Ji, which contains the earliest biographies. During this period wars became larger and worse as iron and even steel were used as weapons, and millions of peasants as infantry. The powerful crossbow cocked with the feet became the weapon of choice in the fifth century BC, and in the next century cavalry replaced chariots. Iron also enhanced industry and agriculture, and large irrigation projects led to increased population and the building of great cities.

Ministers could enhance their power and influence by recommending and winning wars with other states. These officials often went from one state to another and used their ability to persuade rulers to gain high offices. Powerful families struggled for power, as in Jin where all but four were eliminated from contention. The most powerful family was then destroyed by the cooperation of the Zhao, Wei, and Han, who established states in 453 BC recognized by the Zhou King fifty years later. The last remnant of the Duke of Jin's territory was divided by these three states in 376 BC. In the far north the state of Yen developed.

Another man who wrote a book on the art of war was Wu Qi. He was a native of Wei and loved to command troops. When Qi attacked Lu in 408 BC, Lu wanted to make him their general; but they distrusted him, because Wu's wife was from Qi. However, the ambitious Wu Qi killed his wife to become Lu's general in their attack on Qi. He was also accused of killing more than thirty of those who ridiculed him in Wei. Later Wu Qi was appointed by Marquis Wen of Wei as general to attack Qin, even though he was greedy and lecherous, because he could command troops better than anyone. He ingratiated himself with the next Marquis of Wei by arguing that virtue is the treasure of the state. When suspicions rose against him, Wu Qi left Wei again and became prime minister of Chu, where he strengthened the army and criticized the traveling rhetoricians, who tried to persuade rulers to join alliances and counter-alliances. Wu Qi helped Chu overcome the southern tribes, annex two small states, fend off the three Jin states in the north, and attacked Qin in the west. However, the nobles' resentment was so great against him that when King Dao died, they revolted and attacked Wu Qi, who laid across the corpse of the king and was killed. When the heir succeeded, all those who had hit the king's body while shooting at Wu Qi were executed, wiping out seventy families.

Wey Yang (known as the Lord of Shang or Shang Yang) was recommended by the ailing prime minister of Wei to succeed him, but King Hui of Wei did not take this advice nor the advice that he should kill Yang if he did not make him prime minister. Wey Yang went to Qin and persuaded Duke Xiao to institute new ordinances in 359 BC. People were organized into groups of fives and tens to control one another by being responsible for reporting each other's crimes. Those who denounced culprits were given the same rewards as those who decapitated an enemy, and those who did not denounce a criminal received the same punishment as the criminal. Titles and honors were ranged in a detailed hierarchy. Agriculture and the military were emphasized to the exclusion of all other professions.

These laws were not effective until they mutilated the heir's tutor and tattooed his preceptor for the crimes of the crown prince, who himself had his nose sliced off a few years later for another crime. Those who criticized the new laws were threatened with banishment. Strict laws and the increased taxation of strong government enhanced the wealth and power of the Qin state. After Wei was weakened by an attack from Qi, Qin took advantage and attacked Wei in 340 BC. Wey Yang invited Wei's Prince Ang to discuss peace but betrayed Wei by capturing the prince, causing Wei's King Hui to regret he had not taken his old prime minister's advice to kill Wey Yang. Losing western territory to Qin, Wei had to move their capital east to Da Liang.

Yang was enfeoffed with fifteen cities and named Lord Shang, but after ten years as prime minister of Qin the rancor against him had grown. According to the historian Sima Qian, Zhao Liang advised him to turn inward and control himself. Zhao Liang criticized Shang Yang for neglecting the hundred families, building promulgation towers, and crippling people with savage punishments. The Lord of Shang could not even go out without a strong armed guard. Zhao Liang suggested he return the fifteen cities, tend gardens, and recommended the king exalt men of the mountains, nourish the aged, preserve the orphans, respect the elderly, promote the meritorious, and honor the virtuous. Shang Yang did not heed this advice. When Duke Xiao died, he had to flee the successor's orders for his arrest. Shang Yang went to Wei, but they considered him a traitor and a criminal and forced him back into Qin, where in 338 BC he was killed and torn apart by chariots as a warning to rebels.

The historian Ban Gu (32-92 CE) wrote that Shang Yang destroyed the well-field system of sharing land; with private ownership of land commoners who became wealthy were able to encroach on the land of the peasants. The Legalist philosopher Han Fei-zi admired Shang Yang for emphasizing rewards and punishments, and he mentioned Shen Buhai for using methods of governing with responsible officers by matching actualities with their names or concepts.

Shen Buhai served Marquis Zhao of Han as prime minister for at least fifteen years until he died in 337 BC. Sima Qian wrote that during this time the state was well run, the troops were strong, and no one encroached on Han (not an easy accomplishment in a weak state during this period). Shen Buhai worked to regulate and instruct the people by using methods and techniques that awarded offices according to the abilities of individuals and the responsibilities of the positions. He was one of the first to emphasize the clarification of language so that actions matched words and concepts.

Although often lumped together with the legalists because of his development of the bureaucratic system, Shen Buhai was really more influenced by Daoist ideas than by the policies of Shang Yang. The ruler is to practice complete acquiescence so that his only concerns are for the people; he does not act himself (wu-wei), but lets the ministers perform their designated functions according to technique rather than theory. Nevertheless the intelligent ruler does have discriminating laws and methods according to definite principles, though he dims his luster while peacefully ordering the world with correct words. Bad rulers try to do things themselves, use perverted words, and thus cause disorder. The wise ruler is careful not to give too many commands but relies on the methods and techniques of well-placed and trained officers. Shen said,

If the ruler's intelligence is displayed, men will prepare against it;
if his lack of intelligence is displayed, they will delude him.
If his wisdom is displayed, men will gloss over him;
if his lack of wisdom is displayed, they will hide from him.
If his lack of desires is displayed, men will spy them out;
if his desires are displayed, they will tempt him.
Therefore he says, 'I cannot know them;
only non-action can control them.'"17

Every official is responsible for good order. If the ruler takes too much initiative, the ministers will refrain from criticizing in order to keep their positions; they will curry favor and cease to be the eyes and ears and mind for the ruler. When the ruler tries to use his own limited eyes, ears, and mind alone, the state is doomed. A better way is to cultivate technique and practice supervision. A quiet mind waits for the right time and then responds. Pure, impartial, and simple, one can set everything straight. The one who does not take initiative has collaborators, and the one who does not go first has followers. Acquiescence is the ruler's technique; action is the method of the minister. Therefore whoever sees independently has clear vision; whoever hears independently has sharp hearing; and whoever can reach decisions independently is able to rule the whole world.

Han's Marquis Zhao complained to Shen-zi that his method is difficult to use. Shen-zi replied that his method is to scrutinize achievement and give rewards and to bestow office based on ability; but the ruler was finding it difficult, because he listened to the requests of courtiers. Later Shen-zi requested that his cousin be appointed to an office. The Marquis responded by asking whether he should violate his doctrine or use technique and reject his petition. Shen-zi went home and asked to be punished. Yet Shen-zi's book says that a ruler should use technique instead of punishment by persuading, supervising and holding subordinates strictly responsible. Another incident also indicates that Shen Buhai may not have practiced what he preached, because he waited to advise his ruler until he knew what would please him rather than using independent thinking.

Su Qin grew up in Luoyang of eastern Zhou, but King Xien's courtiers did not trust him. So Su Qin went to advise Hui, who was proclaimed king of Qin in 325 BC. Having executed Shang Yang, he did not like rhetoricians. Su Qin was also unsuccessful in Zhao but went on to Yen, where he convinced their ruler he must ally himself with Zhao against Qin. The Marquis of Yen sent Su Qin to Zhao loaded with gifts, and there he persuaded the Marquis of Zhao that he must also be allied against the powerful Qin with the other five states. Then Su Qin got King Xuan of Han, King Xiang of Wei, the king of Qi, and the king of Chu all to join the alliance against Qin. Thus Su Qin became the master of the alliance of six states and served as prime minister for all of them. Wealthy and successful Su Qin paid back all his previous debts and returned to Zhao, where he was enfeoffed.

According to the historian the soldiers of Qin did not dare to come out of the Hangu Pass for fifteen years, though scholars doubt this; but then Qin got Qi and Wei to attack Zhao. Su Qin fled to Yen, and all the alliances collapsed. Qi took advantage of the death of Yen's ruler by attacking them. So Su Qin went to the king of Qi and convinced him to give ten cities back to Yen and make peace with Qin as well. Su Qin returned to Yen, overcame the slanders of the Yen courtiers, and became the lover of the king's mother, which pleased the king. Yet Su Qin feared punishment and fled to Qi, where he was attacked by an assassin who escaped. While dying, Su Qin told the king to tear apart his dead body in the marketplace as a warning, and this led to the capture and execution of the assassin.

When Su Qin's machinations were uncovered, Qi was furious with Yen while Yen was terrified of Qi. Su Qin's younger brothers, Su Dai and Su Li took over their brother's diplomatic work. Su Dai advised the king of Yen, the weakest of the states, to send hostages with Su Dai to Qi, but strife broke out in Yen; Qi attacked them and killed the Yen king and new prime minister. The brothers were afraid to enter Yen and were treated well in Qi, but Dai was then sent to Song, which was attacked by Qi. Dai wrote a letter to Yen king Zhao, who welcomed him and planned an expedition against Qi. Though Qi had taken Song in 286 BC, they were driven out of their own capital by Yen in 284 BC. Qin summoned the king of Yen; but Su Dai advised him not to go, because achievements made states mortal enemies of the tyrannical Qin, which had recently killed hundreds of thousands in the three Jin states of Zhao, Wei and Han. Thus King Zhao of Yen did not go to Qin, and Su Dai was exalted and sent to form alliances with the feudal lords as his brother Su Qin had done. Some joined the alliance and others did not, but Su Dai and Li Su both died of old age renowned among the feudal lords.

Zhang Yi of Wei studied with the same teacher as Su Qin. In Chu Zhang Yi was accused of stealing a jade disk and beaten. Zhang Yi went to Zhao to see Su Qin but was rejected and ended up in Qin, which was what Su Qin intended. Zhang Yi was made prime minister of Qin in 328 BC and five years later served Wei as prime minister on behalf of Qin. When the king of Wei died, the new king Ai would not listen to Zhang Yi; so he secretly had Qin attack Wei. In defeating Han's army Qin cut off 80,000 heads. Surrounded by dangerous states, Zhang Yi now persuaded King Ai of Wei to ally himself with powerful Qin.

Zhang Yi returned to Qin in 317 BC to become their prime minister once more. Three years later Wei abandoned Qin for new alliances but was attacked by Qin and served Qin again. Qin wanted to attack Qi, but Qi had allied itself with Chu. So Zhang Yi went to Chu to become their prime minister, offering King Huai of Chu territory and a daughter of Qin for an alliance, but meanwhile Qi submitted to Qin. When the suspicious king of Chu attacked Qin, Qi helped Qin defeat Chu and cut off 80,000 heads. Qin demanded territory from Chu, and the Chu king requested Zhang Yi, whom he imprisoned. The queen of Chu pleaded for Zhang Yi, and King Huai released him and was persuaded by Zhang Yi to ally himself with Qin.

Then Zhang Yi went to Han and convinced their king that with only 300,000 troops compared to more than a million in Qin, Han should ally itself with Qin and attack Chu. Zhang Yi returned to Qin, where he was made a lord of five towns before being sent off to the king of Qi, whom he persuaded to join Qin. He then succeeded in getting the kings of Zhao and Yen to serve Qin also. However, while Zhang Yi was returning to Qin, King Hui died and was replaced by King Wu, who disliked Zhang Yi. News of this caused all these states to renounce their alliance with Qin and return to their alliance with each other. Zhang Yi ended up as prime minister of Wei, where he died. The historian Sima Qian concluded that Su Qin and Zhang Yi were "truly men capable of ruining a country."18

As Qin's power increased, so did schemes and treacheries. In 293 BC Qin attacked Han and Wei and cut off 240,000 heads, and the next year they took two cities from Chu. In 288 BC King Zhao of Qin pronounced himself Western Emperor while the King of Qi declared himself Eastern Emperor, but the bloody wars still occurred frequently. During this time four war lords arose who slowed the expansion of Qin.

The Lord of Mengchang's father was a wealthy general in Qi. The son showed his ability by treating retainers better than his father had. He was invited to Qin, but Su Dai warned him not to go. Nevertheless King Min of Qi sent the Lord of Mengchang to Qin on a mission, and King Zhao invited him to become prime minister of Qin. Advisors to King Zhao made him suspicious that the Lord of Mengchang would favor Qi, and so he was imprisoned; but he escaped. When he got back to Qi, King Min made him prime minister. The man who was to collect the Lord of Mengchang's income for him gave it to a worthy man and was demoted; but later when Mengchang was suspected of revolting, the worthy man offered himself as a guarantee and cut his throat in front of the palace. This stimulated King Min to investigate the case and clear Mengchang, who decided to retire in Xueh. Su Dai made Mengchang jealous of the new prime minister Lu Li so that Mengchang wrote a letter to the prime minister of Qin encouraging him to attack Qi. This led to Lu Li fleeing. After King Min destroyed Song in 286 BC, he wanted to remove the Lord of Mengchang, who fled to Wei, where he became prime minister, allied with Qin and Zhao and with Yen attacked and defeated Qi, causing King Min to flee.

The Lord of Mengchang was now independent of the feudal lords and allied himself with the new King Xiang of Qi. When Mengchang was prime minister of Qi and there was no harvest, he sent Feng Huan to collect his interest payments so that he could provide for his many retainers. Feng Huan wisely feasted the debtors while he determined who could pay and who could not. Those who could afford it had to pay by a certain date, but Feng Huan burned the tallies (contracts on wood) of the other debtors. Nevertheless the negative consequences of Mengchang and his retainers were still felt generations later when the historian Sima Qian observed that the people in Xueh were hot-tempered and violent. They explained, "The Lord of Mengchang attracted the families of perhaps sixty thousand highwaymen and criminals to Xue."19 Such was the legacy of this war lord.

Zhao's Lord of Pingyuan caused the loss of 400,000 soldiers in a decisive battle with Qin at Changping in 260 BC. In spite of the efforts of the Lord of Xinling (called the Noble Scion of Wei by Sima Qian), Wei was also eventually defeated by Qin. The fourth war lord to succumb to the power of Qin was the Lord of Chunshen in the state of Chu. In 256 BC Qin attacked Han and killed 40,000, then attacked Zhao and beheaded or captured 90,000. The Zhou sovereign joined with feudal rulers to attack Qin; but when Qin attacked Zhou, its ruler submitted and surrendered its entire territory of 36 cities and 30,000 inhabitants. The next year the Zhou people fled to the east, and the nine sacred vessels passed into the hands of Qin in 149 BC, marking the final disappearance of the Zhou dynasty that had been only a figurehead for several centuries.

Li Si of Chu studied the art of government with the Confucian philosopher Xun-zi before going to Qin and advising Zheng, who became king of Qin in 246 BC. Li Si suggested that the house of Zhou had been declining for a century while Qin's power had increased; this king could unify the world. King Zheng secretly sent men out with gifts to the feudal lords who could be bribed and swords to kill those who were not. When the Qin clansmen wanted the king to expel all foreigners from his court, Li Si (a foreigner from Chu himself) persuaded him that foreigners have much to offer. Li Si rose from Chief of Scribes to Commandant of Justice and succeeded as Prime Minister the wealthy merchant Lu Buwei in 237 BC. In a decade the armies of Qin successively destroyed the six states of Han (in 230 BC), Zhao (228), Wei (225), Chu (223), Yen (222), and Qi (221) to establish the Qin king Zheng as August Emperor (Huang Di) of China. The period of warring states had been ended by the formation of a tyrannical military empire.

Qin Empire 221-206 BC
Confucius, Mencius and Xun-zi
Notes
1. I Ching tr. Wilhelm and Baynes, p. 262.
2. Ibid. p. 317.
3. The Book of Songs (Shih Ching) tr. Arthur Waley, p. 61.
4. Ibid., p. 68.
5. Ibid. p. 118-119.
6. I Li tr. John Steele, 5:9.
7. Shu Ching tr. James Legge, 2:3:2, p. 52.
8. Ibid. 5:21:3, p. 233-234.
9. The Grand Scribe's Records (Shih Chi): Memoirs of Pre-Han China by Ssu-ma Ch'ien, tr. Tsai-fa Cheng et al, 62, p. 11-12.
10. Ibid. p. 13.
11. Chun Ts'ew, with the Tso Chuen tr. James Legge, 9:27:2, p. 534.
12. Ibid.
13. The Tso Chuan tr. Burton Watson, 9:29:8, p. 151.
14. Ibid. 9:31:6, p. 161.
15. Ibid. 10:12:9, p. 167.
16. The Art of War by Sun Tzu, tr. Giles and Clavell, 12, p. 76.
17. Shen Pu-hai by Herrlee G. Creel, fragment 16, p. 365.
18. Shi Chi by Sima Qian, tr. Burton Watson, 70, p. 142.
19. Ibid. 75, p. 200.

Copyright © 1998-2005 by Sanderson Beck
This chapter has been published in the book CHINA, KOREA & JAPAN to 1800. For ordering information please click here.

Contents
Shang, Zhou and the Classics
Confucius, Mencius and Xun-zi
Daoism and Mo-zi
Legalism, Qin Empire and Han Dynasty
China 7 BC to 1279
Mongols and Yuan China
Ming Empire 1368-1644
Qing Empire 1644-1799
Korea to 1800
Japan to 1615
Japan 1615-1800
Summary and Evaluation
Bibliography
Qing Decline 1799-1875
Qing Dynasty Fall 1875-1912
Republican China in Turmoil 1912-1926
Nationalist-Communist Civil War 1927-1937
China at War 1937-1949
Korea 1800-1949
Japan's Modernization 1800-1894
Imperial Japan 1894-1937
Japan's War and Defeat 1937-1949
Chronological Index

BECK index
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BECK index
                                           Confucius, Mencius and Xun-zi
Confucius
Teachings of Confucius
Followers of Confucius
Mencius
Xun-zi
Later Confucian Works
This chapter has been published in the book CHINA, KOREA & JAPAN to 1800. For ordering information please click here.

Shang, Zhou and the Classics
As education and literacy spread in China and scholars became influential as ministers of rulers, philosophers also began to flourish. In the late sixth century BC two of the greatest philosophers of all time emerged in China - Lao-zi, the founder of Daoism, and Confucius, whose philosophy and religion came to dominate China for more than two millennia.

Confucius
Confucius is the Latinized form of Kong Fu-zi, which means Kong the master. Confucius was born in the small state of Lu in 551 BC and died in 479 BC. This was a time of turmoil, political intrigue, and numerous small wars in the last part of the Spring and Autumn era. Assassinations, bribery, adultery, and other crimes were common even though punishments were severe. In Lu three families contended for the hereditary rulership, while numerous educated aristocrats sought positions in the government, and many suffered poverty.

Confucius was brought up as a gentleman, who took up music, archery, and fishing, although he said he fished without a net and would not shoot at a bird at rest. He was so absorbed in music that once he did not know the taste of meat for three months. He also learned to do practical jobs of humble people such as keeper of the stores and head of the pastures. However, most of the time Confucius was not able to find an official position though he was willing to do anything that did not involve wrong-doing. Perhaps it was his ethical concerns that prevented him from being useful to the rulers of his time. Instead he occupied his time in what he loved the most - the pursuit of learning.

By the age of fifteen Confucius had set his heart on learning; by thirty he felt that he was firmly established; at forty he was no longer confused; by fifty he had a sense of mission in following the will of heaven; at sixty he was at ease with whatever he heard; and when he was seventy, he felt he could do whatever he liked without violating moral principles. No single teacher had a great influence on Confucius, as he tried to learn from everyone. His model, however, was the ancient Duke of Zhou, who had helped to establish the Zhou dynasty. The spiritual connection he felt with the ancient duke is indicated by his regret once that it had been a long time since he had dreamed of the Duke of Zhou. Confucius studied thoroughly the classics of history, poetry, propriety, and especially the Book of Changes (Yi Jing). He believed that if he could spend fifty years studying Changes, he might yet be free of great mistakes.

Confucius became an orphan at an early age. He married and had a son and a daughter, and he also took care of his older brother, who was crippled. Confucius claimed little for himself except that he never neglected proper mourning nor was he ever overcome by wine. Confucius was perhaps the first professional teacher of adults we know of in China. He accepted any student bringing any gift at all even if they were poor. When he was fifty, Confucius was finally given a position in the government, though his advice was not often valued. He advised Ji Kang-zi, who became head of the ruling families, to show piety toward his parents and kindness toward his children, promote the worthy, and train the incompetent. Here we see the important emphasis on education and ability rather than heredity. Several of Confucius' students did attain important positions in government, as Confucius recommended Zilu for efficiency, Zigong for understanding, and Ran Qiu for versatility.

In his late fifties Confucius used a ceremonial impropriety to leave Lu so that he could see if other states might put his principles into practice. In Wei he was not afraid to meet with the notorious Nan-zi, a woman involved in incest, adultery, and political intrigue. When the Duke of Wei asked his advice on military strategy, Confucius declared that he had knowledge of sacrificial vessels but had not studied warfare. The next day he left Wei and went to Chen. While he was traveling through Song, Huan Tui, the Song Minister of War, tried to have him assassinated; but Confucius said, "Heaven produced the virtue that is in me. What do I have to fear from such a one as Huan Tui?"1 This did not prevent Confucius from accepting Huan Tui's brother Sima Niu as a student, although Sima Niu did renounce his dastardly brother.

Confucius was also trapped at Kuang and thought his favorite student, Yen Hui, was dead. When they got to Chen, they were weak and short of supplies. The Duke of Chen was involved in war at the time; but Confucius did speak with the Minister of Crime about propriety before going back to Lu, because he was concerned that his students were becoming headstrong and careless. The only ruler who seemed to agree with Confucius that virtue was important was the Duke of She in the small state of Cai. He was invited there once; but Zi-lu pointed out they were in rebellion then, and so Confucius decided not to go, though he felt like a gourd that was only fit to hang up but not to eat. Confucius also rejected an offer in a similar situation from the Bi castle even though he believed that he might be able to "make a Zhou in the east."2

Confucius returned to Wei to advise the prime minister Kung Yu, who was willing to listen to him. Kung forced one of his nobles to divorce his wives to marry his daughter; but when he kept a concubine, and Kung asked Confucius how to attack him, Confucius told him not to attack. When Kung went ahead anyway, Confucius prepared his chariot to leave. Kung apologized, and Confucius was ready to change his mind; but then messengers arrived from Lu inviting him to return to his home state. Confucius spent his last five years in Lu. Once Ran Qiu was sent by Ji Kang-zi to ask the master's opinion about raising taxes. Confucius stood with the people against this; when Ran Qiu collected the increased taxes, Confucius declared that he was no disciple of his. Although Confucius did advise Duke Ai to support the common people, advance the upright, and punish a usurper, he was ignored and felt that he never really had a chance to show what he could do.

In addition to teaching, Confucius is credited with editing the Book of Odes and the Spring and Autumn Annals, revising the music and ceremonies, and writing commentaries on the Book of Changes. The main source of his teachings describing his conversations with his students in the Analects (Lun Yu) was apparently written by his students. From these accounts we can see not only what Confucius taught but how he taught and what his attitudes and manners were like. He was said to be free of having forgone conclusions, dogmatism, obstinacy, and egotism. His manner was affable but firm, commanding but not harsh, while he was polite and completely at ease. Zigong said Confucius could get information in a foreign state by being cordial, frank, courteous, temperate, and deferential. Zigong added that this was not the way inquiries were usually made. Confucius had a gentle sense of humor and did not mind being corrected by his own students.

Confucius was particularly respectful of those in mourning and made filial piety or respect for one's parents a cardinal virtue. He said,

In serving his father and mother
a man may gently remonstrate with them.
But if he sees that he has failed to change their opinion,
he should resume an attitude of deference and not thwart them;
may feel discouraged, but not resentful.3

Confucius cared most about people and was perhaps the first great humanist in history. When the stables burned down, he asked if any person had been hurt but did not inquire about the horses. He recognized the free will of every individual, believing that the commander of three armies could be removed, but the will of even a common person could not be taken away. He spoke of the way (dao), as when he said, "In the morning hear the way; in the evening die content;"4 yet he believed that it was humans who made the way great, not the way that made humans great. Confucius believed that he could even live among the barbarians, because virtue never dwells alone and will always bring good neighbors. He believed that a gentleman should help the needy, not make the rich richer still. Confucius criticized Yuan Si for rejecting his salary of nine hundred measures of grain as governor, because he could have given it to his neighbors.

Confucius never gave up and believed that he was serving by being filial even if he was not in the government. He never expected to meet a faultless person but hoped that he might meet someone of fixed principles even though he saw many examples of nothing pretending to be something. He greatly disliked sham and deceit. He felt he could not stoop to clever talk, a pretentious manner, and a reverence that was only of the feet. He could not bear to see high offices filled with men of narrow views, ceremonies performed without reverence, and mourning forms observed without grief. He hated seeing sharp mouths overturning states and clans.

Confucius believed that his mission was to spread the culture that had been passed on to him by King Wen, and trusting that this was the will of heaven he did not even fear an assassin. He must have believed in prayer, because he said that whoever turns away from heaven has no one to pray to. He hoped that even if he was not recognized in the world, he would be known in heaven. When Confucius became ill, some of his students dressed up as retainers; but the master reprimanded them for this pretense, because he knew he could not deceive heaven. He preferred to die in the arms of his disciples anyway. Although he believed there were others as honest as himself, Confucius felt that no one loved learning as much as he did. Any situation could be a lesson. When walking with others he could emulate the good qualities he saw in others and correct the bad qualities in himself. Confucius did not believe himself to be a sage or even perfectly virtuous, but he did claim unwearying effort to learn and unflagging patience in teaching others.

Confucius believed that people were similar by nature but became different by practice, and thus there are some one can join in study, others one can join in progress along the way, others again beside whom one can take one's stand, and finally some whom one can join in counsel.

Teachings of Confucius
Confucius was willing to teach and learn with anyone who came to him; once he even accepted an uncapped youth, though he stated that he was not responsible for what the youth did when he left. He once struck a man in the shins with his staff, because he was waiting for him in a sprawling position; he said that youths who show no respect for their elders achieve nothing, and those who merely get older are useless pests. He observed that one youth seemed to be more interested in growing up quickly than in improving himself. He expected his students to desire learning and think for themselves. As long as the student was making effort, regardless of his progress he would help him. He even encouraged them to compete with him in goodness. However, he found that most of them were looking for the rewards of a career. He was glad when students stayed with him rather than accepting the first position offered, though he did emphasize that the model sayings were to be carried out in practice. The rational Confucius did not act without knowing why; he heard much and selected what is good to follow, calling it the second type of knowledge. He once spent a whole day meditating without food and all night without sleep, but he found that it was better for him to learn.

Confucius thought of himself as a transmitter of the ancient culture, not a creator of new ideas. He held nothing back from his students and consulted with them as friends on every step. Yet he realized it is useless to speak of higher things to those who are below average. Listening silently and learning and teaching untiringly were natural to Confucius.

The thought that I have not properly cultivated virtue,
that what is learned has not been thoroughly discussed,
that knowing what is right I have not moved toward it,
that what is wrong I have not been able to change -
these are the things which bother me.5

Confucius observed and related to the individual characteristics of his students, but he did not know if any of them were truly good. When Zigong quoted back to the master his version of the golden rule - "What I do not want others to do to me, I do not want to do to them"6 - Confucius pointed out he had not lived up to that yet, because he was often criticizing others. Confucius said Zigong was fortunate to have time for that, but he himself did not. Confucius usually brought issues back around to self-knowledge and self-improvement. The ruler Ji Kang-zi complained about all the thieves; but Confucius said that if he were free of desire, they would not steal even if he paid them. Asked about the treatment of parents, Confucius gave four different answers to four men, recommending obedience, behavior that does not make the parents anxious, sincere feeling of respect, and proper demeanor.

Questions and answers enabled Confucius to refine his teachings. He differentiated the good and the wise. The good love people, are tranquil like water, and enjoy long life. The wise know people, are active delighting in mountains, and enjoy happiness. When asked if injury should be repaid with virtue, Confucius said that injury should be repaid with justice so that virtue could be repaid with virtue. When asked about the true gentleman, Confucius said that he cultivates himself carefully so as to help other people. In government one ought to lead by example and work hard for the people.

Honesty and sincerity were essential for Confucius, and he insisted on the correct use of language. Yet a lazy student helped Confucius himself to learn that he must not only listen to what people say and but also watch to see what they do. He suggested caution in speech: "Do not be too ready to speak of it, lest the doing of it should prove to be beyond your powers."7 Yet Confucius often used metaphors to express his meaning and liked to quote poetry as well. When the bold and daring Zilu asked him whom he would take with him to command an army, Confucius replied, "Not the man who is ready to 'attack a tiger bare-handed or swim across a river' not caring whether he lived or died, but I should take someone who approaches difficulties with due caution, who likes to plan precisely and carry it out."8

The brash Zilu could not believe the answer of Confucius that the first measure in administering a government is to correct the language. So Confucius explained that if what is said is not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot be carried out to success; propriety and music will not flourish, and punishments will go astray. When punishments go astray, people do not know how to move hand or foot. The Analects concludes with the statement by Confucius that a gentleman must understand the will of heaven, the rules of propriety, and be able to understand words in order to understand people.

Confucius liked to use the examples of men to illustrate his lessons. He often referred to the legendary emperors Yao, Shun, and Yu to show how one could rule virtuously. He also admired those who humbly refused the sovereignty and renounced violence despite their sufferings. He cited the historical examples of Duke Wen of Jin for rising to an emergency but not following propriety and Duke Huan of Qi for following propriety but failing in an emergency. Confucius credited Guan Zhong for helping Duke Huan to unite the states' rulers without using war-chariots, but he still did not necessarily consider him good. Yet if it had not been for Guan Zhong, they might be folding their clothes in the manner of the barbarians. In history as in personal life, Confucius tended to focus on the ethical questions.

In his own time he felt that one change could bring Qi to the level of Lu, and a single change would bring Lu to the way. He believed that the common people could be made to follow the way even if they were not able to understand it. He pointed out the virtues of ministers but never found anyone who was truly steadfast. Confucius believed that if the people were led by governmental measures that kept order by laws and punishments, they would try to avoid them but would lose all self-respect. Yet if they were led by virtue with order kept by propriety, they would keep their self-respect and set themselves right. Confucius observed that if one's actions were motivated by profit, one would have many enemies. Confucius did not like competition and pointed out that even in an archery match the contenders were gentlemen at the drinking-bout afterward. He believed that the ancients studied for self-improvement, but that now people learn in order to impress people.

The goal of education for Confucius was not merely to get a salary nor was it to learn and remember as many things as possible. He said there was a thread which runs through all his teachings. The single saying he believed could be practiced all the time was the saying about consideration known as the golden rule of not doing to others what you do not want them to do to you. Confucius was said to have taught culture, conduct, loyalty, and truthfulness. Through culture one may be stimulated by poetry, established in character by the rules of propriety, and perfected by music. The extensive study of literature helps one not to violate the way. However, before culture came moral education. Confucius said, "Set your heart upon the way. Support yourself by its virtue. Rely on goodness. Find recreation in the arts."9 After a youth had learned to behave well toward parents and elders, to be cautious in giving promises and punctual in keeping them, to overflow in love to all, and to cultivate the friendship of the good, if one had energy to spare, then the cultural arts could be studied.

A passage from the later text of the Li Ji has Confucius explaining the values of studying each of the classics as well as the dangers of superficial exposure.

When one is kind and gentle and simple-hearted,
and yet not ignorant,
we may be sure one is deep in the study of poetry.
When one is broad-minded and acquainted with the past,
and yet not filled with incorrect legends or stories of events,
we may be sure one is deep in the study of history.
When one is generous and shows a good disposition
and yet not extravagant in one's personal habits,
we may be sure one is deep in the study of music.
When one is quiet and thoughtful
and shows a sharp power of observation,
and yet is not crooked,
we may be sure that one is deep in the study of philosophy.
When one is humble and polite and frugal in one's personal habits
and yet not full of elaborate ceremonies,
we may be sure one is deep in the study of propriety.
And when one is cultivated in speech,
ready with expressions and analogies
and yet is not influenced by the picture of the prevailing moral chaos,
we may be sure that one is deep
in the study of the Spring and Autumn Annals.10

Poetry not only stimulated the mind, but Confucius also said it helped self-contemplation, taught the art of sociability, and showed how to regulate feelings of resentment; from it one learned the duties of serving parents and the ruler as well as the names of birds, beasts, and plants.

For Confucius propriety enabled the ancient kings to establish harmony and beauty. Without propriety courtesy becomes tiresome, caution becomes timidity, daring insubordination, and straightforwardness rudeness. It is better to be sparing than extravagant in ceremonies, and funerals are to be observed with deep sorrow not fear. A gentleman properly blends substance and refinement, for too much of the first is rude and of the latter pedantic. Yet Confucius believed that anyone who followed the rules of propriety completely would be thought a sycophant.

Confucius always kept in mind the practical goals of education. He asked if one could recite the three hundred Odes but did not know how to act in government or answer specific questions on a mission, of what use was extensive knowledge? The first step is for one to correct one's own conduct, then one may assist in governing others. But if one cannot rectify oneself, how could one ever rectify others? Wisdom may bring one into power, but goodness is needed to secure that power. Without dignity one will not be respected by the common people, and the rules of propriety must also be followed. With sincere faith and the love of learning one should not be afraid to die in pursuing the way. Dangerous and chaotic states should be avoided. If the way does not prevail, it is better to hide, and the wealthy and honored ought to be ashamed. When the way does prevail, one may show oneself and be bold in speech and action.

When Ji Kang-zi asked Confucius if he should kill those who do not have the way, the master said, "You are there to rule, not to kill. If you desire what is good, the people will be good."11 In loving their children and people parents and rulers must exact some effort from them, and in being loyal to parents and rulers children and the people should not refrain from admonishing the object of their loyalty. In addition to attending strictly to business and punctually observing promises, Confucius said an administrator is economical in expenditure, loves the people, and uses the peasants' labor only at the proper seasons of the year.

Though religious, Confucius rarely discussed supernatural phenomena or spirits. Until one has learned to serve humans, how can one serve ghosts? he asked. Till one knows about the living, how can one know about the dead? Nevertheless when he did offer sacrifices to his ancestors he felt their spirits were present. Like Lao-zi, Confucius believed in following the way. How else could one get out of the house except through the door or find one's way into the Inner Room? Knowing the way leads to loving it, and loving it to taking delight in it.

The Chinese word for virtue (de) implies power and something that can be built up within oneself. Confucius said he never found anyone whose desire for virtue was as strong as the sexual desire for beauty. Virtue can be gained by doing the work first before considering the reward and by attacking the evil within oneself rather than the evil in others. One of the great threats Confucius saw to virtue was the confusion of clever talk, just as small impatiences can ruin great projects. For Confucius the good are never unhappy, the wise never confused, and the brave never afraid. Courage, however, must not take priority over justice or else an aristocrat would become an insurgent and a common person a thief. The higher knowledge of wisdom is to know when one knows something and when one does not. "Whoever learns but does not think is lost; but whoever thinks but does not learn is in danger."12

Love of learning is essential to the virtues, and Confucius explained how love of the six virtues can degenerate without the love of learning. Love of goodness degenerates to simple-mindedness, love of knowledge to lack of principle, love of faithfulness to injurious disregard of consequences, love of uprightness to harshness, love of courage to insubordination, and love of strong character to mere recklessness. People's characters can be penetrated by looking at their aims, how they pursue them, and what brings them content. Yet the ultimate value of observing others is to learn how to equal those of worth and to examine the faults of others in ourselves. Confucius said he never found a single person who could see one's own faults and bring the charge against oneself. To have faults and not be trying to correct them is really to have faults. Confucius advised people not to be afraid of admitting mistakes and amending their ways. He recommended friendships with the upright, sincere, and well-informed, but he warned against those who flatter, have weak principles, and talk cleverly. Beneficial pleasures are studying ceremonies and music, discussing good points in others' conduct, and in having many wise friends. Detrimental are profligate enjoyments, idle gadding about, and feasting.

Confucius taught the middle way between extremes in regard to most virtues and considered moderation transcendent and rare in his time. Lavishness may lead to presumption and frugality to meanness, though the latter is a less serious fault. The Confucian middle way was later elaborated on in the treatise called the Doctrine of the Mean or The Center of Harmony (Zhong Yong).

The greatest concept of virtue for Confucius was ren, which has been translated here as goodness but also means humanity or human-heartedness. A good person does not worry about not being known by others but rather seeks to know them. The good know how to like and dislike people, although the one whose heart is set on goodness will dislike no one, according to Confucius. Without goodness one cannot endure adversity for long nor enjoy prosperity for long. The good are also courageous, but the brave are not necessarily good, just as the virtuous are eloquent, though the eloquent may not be virtuous. Confucius observed that faults fell into patterns, and that one looked for faults only in order to recognize goodness. Confucius said he did not know whether Ran Yung was good, but he saw no need for him to be a good talker. Confucius felt that goodness meant courtesy in private life, diligence in public life, and loyalty in relationships. The good establish their own character and then help others to establish theirs. To be able to see others by what is within ourselves Confucius called the art of goodness, and a ruler who could benefit the people and bring salvation to all he called a divine sage.

The Chinese term zhun-zi originally meant the son of a ruler and thus an aristocrat, but in the time of Confucius and perhaps due to his influence it came to imply a moral quality and has been translated a superior man or a gentleman. Thus one could attain higher social status through moral and educational development. For Confucius a good man was always a gentleman, but not all gentlemen were good. A gentleman considers loyalty and faithfulness fundamental and is not afraid of correcting his mistakes. We must acknowledge that as a male term this does indicate sexism, which seems to have been the case since there is no evidence that Confucius had any female students, though he did speak to the notorious Nan-zi.

For Confucius the main concern for the gentleman was self-improvement. He is distressed at his own lack of capacity, never at the failure of others to recognize his merits. Confucius warned that the gentleman should guard against lust when one's physical powers are not settled, strife when they are full of vigor, and avarice when they are declining. A gentleman's nine cares are to see clearly, hear distinctly, be kind in looks, respectful in manner, sincere in words, and diligent in work. When in doubt, he asks for information; when angry, he considers the consequences; and when he sees a chance for gain, he considers whether the pursuit would be right. A gentleman is cautious with words and diligent in action lest his words outrun his deeds. The superior person does not promote someone merely because of what one says nor does one reject sayings because of who said them.

Sometimes Confucius contrasted the superior person to the inferior. The superior sets one's heart on virtue, the inferior on comfort. The superior think of sanctions, the inferior of favors. The superior person looks at a question from all sides without bias; the inferior is biased and can see only one point of view. The superior are not for or against anything but follow what is right; the inferior understand only profit. The gentleman calls attention to the good points in others; the small person points out their defects. A gentleman makes demands on himself; the small person makes them on others. The superior people can influence those above them, but the inferior only those below them. The gentleman is calm and at ease; the inferior frets and is ill at ease. The gentleman is dignified but not proud; the inferior are proud but not dignified. For Confucius the gentleman thinks of the way and its progress, not how he is going to make a living. He warns against dehumanization, saying that a gentleman is not an implement. A gentleman considers justice essential, practices propriety, is modest and faithful. A gentleman acts before he speaks and then speaks according to his action.
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只看该作者 95 发表于: 2009-03-15
Confucius warned against hypocrisy when he said that one with clever words and a pretentious manner is seldom good. He did not consider himself truly good, wise, or courageous. He said he was not concerned that he had no office, only that he make himself qualified for one. Confucius believed that a gentleman can withstand want; only a small person is swept away by it. Rather than give up his principles Confucius could be satisfied with coarse rice to eat, water to drink, and a bent arm for a pillow. He considered wealth and honor obtained through injustice to be as remote from him as clouds in the sky. Confucius claimed that he could try a civil suit as well as anyone, but that it was better to bring it about so that there are no civil suits. Not given the opportunity to put his teachings into practice on a large scale, Confucius learned and taught others instead. As one of the most influential ethical teachers in history, the results of those teachings have been immeasurable.

Followers of Confucius
Once a border guard at I asked to see Confucius, because he was always allowed to see any true gentleman who was passing by. After talking with Confucius he told the disciples not to be disheartened at their master's lack of office, because the way has not prevailed in the world for a long time. Yet he prophesied that heaven was going to use their master as a bell with a wooden tongue.

Confucius praised Yen Hui (521-481 BC) more than any of his students for his cheerfulness in poverty and his mind's attention to goodness. Yen Hui never said much, but the master knew he was not stupid from the quality of his conduct. Unfortunately Yen Hui died at a young age, and Confucius felt that no others were really fond of learning.

Ji Kang-zi became head of the administration of Lu in 492 BC and asked Confucius if Zilu, Zigong, and Ran Qiu were fit for office. The master recommended each of them. Zilu (542-480 BC) appointed a student Confucius considered slow as steward, and the master said that it would ruin him. Zilu replied that one does not have to study books to be learned, to which Confucius responded that such talk made him detest glib talkers. Confucius predicted that the bold and daring Zilu would not die in bed, and in fact he bravely refused to flee Wei in loyalty to the Kung family and was killed trying to save the prince who had hired him.

Confucius said that Ran Qiu (b. 522 BC) could be charged with the duty of managing the military levies of a town with a thousand households or for a family of a hundred chariots, but he could not say whether he was good. Confucius advised Ran Qiu to act immediately, because he had a tendency to hold himself back. Yet he cautioned Zilu against immediate action, because he tended to be rash. When Ran Qiu collected higher taxes for the wealthy Qi family, Confucius had him drummed out of his circle of students. Ran Qiu continued to serve the Qi family successfully for many years.

Zigong (b. 520 BC) was eloquent, and Confucius described him as a sacrificial vessel of jade. In 487 BC a rebellion in Qi led to some families attacking Lu. Confucius refused permission to Zilu and two others to go out to Qi but granted the request of Zigong. Zigong persuaded Tian Chang that because of the probable rebellion it would be better for him to attack the stronger state of Wu than the weaker Lu. Zigong then went to the King of Wu and convinced him to attack Qi without fearing Yue, because he went there to get Yue to join Wu in the attack on Qi. Zigong then went to Jin to warn them to be prepared for an attack from Wu if they defeated Qi. This all came to pass; but then Yue launched a surprise attack on Wu, killed their king and prime minister, and by 470 BC had become protector. Although in a few years all of these states and Lu were undone, Zigong had preserved Lu for a while.

Zigong was one of the first to go from state to state persuading rulers which policy to follow, a practice that became common in the ensuing Warring States Period. Zigong also became wealthy buying and selling in accordance with market changes and was once prime minister in Lu and Wei before he died in Qi. Zigong is an example of a common man who rose to fame and wealth through education and his own abilities. According to Mencius, after Confucius died, Zigong went back to the religious sanctuary near his master's grave, built a house and mourned for an additional three years after the traditional three-year mourning period, showing himself to be perhaps the most devoted disciple.

Zeng Shen (505-436 BC) was described as dull-witted by Confucius; Mencius wrote that when his house was going to be attacked, he ordered his steward not to let anyone stay in the house, because he did not want the plants and trees harmed. Zeng was obviously not the humanist that Confucius was, and he seems to have emphasized filial piety even more than the master; the Classic of Filial Piety is often attributed to him. Zeng refused to join other disciples in rendering the same respect to Yu Ro that they had given to Confucius even though he and Yu Ro were the only others besides Confucius to be referred to as masters in the Analects.

Confucius considered Ziyu (506-443 BC) well versed in culture and learning, though once when he heard Ziyu singing and playing a string instrument, he said in jest that it was not necessary to use an ox-cleaver to kill a chicken. Ziyu replied that a gentleman learns from the way to be kind, while an inferior person becomes easier to command. When Ziyu was warden of the castle of Wu, Confucius asked him if he had got hold of the right people there. Later Ziyu criticized the school of Zi Xia (507-425 BC) for practicing unimportant things like sprinkling and sweeping the ground, answering summons, replying to questions, and coming forward and retiring.

Zi Xia defended his method of education by saying that the way of a gentleman must not be transmitted before the student is ready. Confucius once found that he could discuss the odes with Zi Xia, but in evaluating him he said Zi Xia had not reached worthiness yet. Confucius told Zi Xia to practice the ru of the gentleman, not that of the common people. The original meaning of this term ru is unclear. Waley suggested that it may have meant unwarlikeness in contrast to the cowardice of the inferior. Eventually this was the term that was used to refer to the followers of the Confucian philosophy. In the first chapter of the Analects Zi Xia is quoted as saying that one who treats betters as betters, serves father and mother with all his strength and his prince with his life, and with his friends is true to his word may be called educated.

Zizhang (503-447 BC) was from a humble family in Lu, studied with Confucius and traveled with him in spite of the difficulties. He wrote one of the master's maxims down on his sash so as to always have it with him. The writing down of Confucius' teachings in the Analects is what enabled his philosophy to be passed on, but the authorship of that work is unknown. The historian Sima Qian listed the names of seventy-seven disciples of Confucius that he did not consider dubious. Though there is no indication that Confucius ever spoke to great crowds, it is clear that his teachings took hold among some devoted disciples. A document from the third century BC lists the names of six men who improved their lives through education: two had studied with Confucius, one with Zi Xia, and two with Mo-zi. Confucian tradition credits Zisi, the grandson of Confucius, with writing the Da Xue (Higher Education) and the Zhong Yong (Center of Harmony), but there is no evidence these texts appeared for at least two centuries.

Mencius
The only other person in China to have his name commonly Latinized besides Confucius is Meng-zi (Mencius), who is thought to have lived from 371 to 289 BC. His father died when he was three, and his mother was said to have moved from the vicinity of a cemetery and a market to a school, because her son imitated their activities. Another story tells how Mencius had walked in on his wife in a private room as she was sitting in an improper way; when Mencius complained, his mother persuaded him not to leave his wife, because he had not announced his coming or kept his eyes down when entering.

In his one-page biography of Meng Ke (Mencius), Sima Qian wrote that he was from the state of Zuou, studied under a disciple of Zisi (grandson of Confucius), and having mastered the way went to Qi to serve King Xuan. Mencius also went to Liang, where King Hui found the views of Mencius impractical and remote from reality before he fully listened to them. This was when Qin had enhanced its wealth and military strength by putting Lord Shang in power. Chu and Wei had also won wars by putting Wu Qi in charge of their governments. King Wei and King Xuan made Qi dominant by employing Sun-zi, Tian Ji and others. This was the middle of the Warring States period when military alliances were continually being formed and changed in relation to the powerful western state of Qin. Mencius preached the traditional virtues of the three dynasties but never received a sympathetic hearing. According to the historian he then retired and with the help of his disciple Wan Zhang and others wrote the Mencius in seven books and commented on the classical books of Odes and Documents while developing the ideas of Confucius.

The first book of Mencius begins by describing his visit to King Hui of Liang in Wei; he ruled from 370 to 319 BC. The aged king assumed that Mencius came a long way because he believed he could profit his state. Mencius replied that concern for profit is what imperils a state; all that matters is what is good and right. King Hui said he had worked hard in governing and asked why his population had not increased. Mencius told him that he was too fond of war. If he did not interfere with the busy seasons in the fields, then the people would have more grain to eat. If he did not allow nets with too fine a mesh to be used in the large ponds, there would be more fish to eat. If the cutting down of trees with axes was limited, there would be enough timber. By caring for education in village schools and teaching proper human relationships, humans would respect each other and their king. But failing to garner surplus food or distribute it when people are starving, saying it is the fault of the harvest, is like killing a man and blaming it on the weapon. Good government reduces punishment and taxation, gets the people to plow deeply and weed promptly, and helps the able to learn.

The king of Liang asked Mencius how the empire could be settled, and he replied that one who is not fond of killing could unite it; but among the shepherds of people at that time there was not one doing so. Mencius said that King Hui could become a true king by bringing peace to the people; but he was failing because, he did not practice kindness. It was not that he lacked the ability, but he had refused to act in the proper way. Mencius knew that the king wanted to extend his territory, rule over the central kingdoms, and bring peace to the barbarians on the borders; but his way of going about it was like looking for a fish by climbing a tree. Not only was it unlikely he would find it; but in his case it was worse, because his way caused disaster as well. If he practiced good government, the office seekers would want to be in his court, the farmer to till his land, the merchants to use his marketplace, the travelers to go by his roads, and all those who hate their rulers would come to him with their complaints. Mencius said that only a gentleman can keep a constant heart; the people tend to lose constancy and go astray, falling into excesses. To punish them then is like setting a trap for them. A bright ruler makes sure they have what they need before he drives them toward the good; thus it is easy for them to follow him. To accomplish this he must go back to the fundamentals of nurturing the people's needs and providing education.

When King Hui died, his successor seemed to Mencius to lack dignity; so he went to advise Xuan, who had become King of Qi in 320 BC. Mencius suggested that King Xuan share his enjoyments with his people; for when a king's park is open to the people, they consider it small; but when they are prohibited from entering it, they naturally think it is too large. King Xuan asked how to promote good relations with other states. Mencius said that by submitting to a state smaller than his one delights in heaven and enjoys possession of the empire, and in submitting to a larger state one is in awe of heaven and enjoys the possession of one's own state. Mencius told how Duke Jing followed wise advice and opened his granaries for the poor; another ruler cared for the aged and orphans.

Although King Xuan said these things were well spoken, he could not put them into practice, because he loved money and women. When Mencius asked the king what should be done if someone entrusted his wife and family to the care of a friend, and they were allowed to suffer cold and hunger, the king said he should break with his friend; if the marshal of the guards could not control his guards, he should be replaced. Yet when Mencius asked what should be done if the whole realm is ill-governed, the king turned to his attendants and changed the subject. Mencius advised that when the attendants all give the same recommendation and the counselors and everyone else does also, it still should be investigated to see if what they say is true. In this way good and wise men may be appointed, and unsuitable officers may be removed.

King Xuan asked if regicide was permitted, since Shang founder Tang banished Jieh, and King Wu marched against the last Shang king; but Mencius responded that these rulers so mutilated humanity that they should be called outcasts not kings. In 315 BC the king of Yen abdicated and appointed his prime minister, causing a revolt in Yen. Mencius was asked if it was all right to march on Yen. He said yes, because the king had no right to give Yen to another; but he explained that he was not encouraging Qi to invade Yen, because only a heaven-appointed officer had the right to do so. After Qi invaded Yen, King Xuan asked Mencius if he should annex Yen. Mencius said that if annexing it would please its people, then it could be done; but if annexing it antagonized its people, then he should not. Qi annexed Yen, and most of the feudal lords planned to aid Yen. King Xuan asked Mencius how he should meet the threat. Mencius referred to the example of Tang, founder of the Shang dynasty, and then gave the following advice:

Now when you went to punish Yen
which practiced tyranny over its people,
the people thought
you were going to rescue them from water and fire,
and they came to meet the army,
bringing baskets of rice and bottles of drink.
How can it be right for you to kill the old and bind the young,
destroy the ancestral temples and appropriate the valuable vessels?
Even before this, the whole Empire was afraid of the power of Qi.
Now you double your territory without practicing good government.
This is to provoke the armies of the whole Empire.
If you hasten to order the release of the captives, old and young,
leave the valuable vessels where they are,
and take your army out
after setting up a ruler in consultation with the men of Yen,
it is still not too late to halt the armies of the Empire.13

Mencius later explained that he never intended to stay long in Qi; but he was unable to leave because the war broke out. Duke Mu of Zuou asked Mencius what he should do after thirty-three of his officers died without the people helping them. Mencius recalled that in the years of bad harvest nearly a thousand of his people had suffered in spite of full granaries, because his officials had not informed him of what was happening. Zeng-zi's warning that what you mete out will be paid back to you came to pass. Mencius said the Duke should not hold a grudge against the people, because if he practices good government, they will love their superiors and even die for them.

Mencius advised Duke Wen of the small state of Teng to do good and hope that heaven will grant success. In starting an enterprise a gentleman can only leave behind a tradition that can be carried on. He cited the case of a leader of Pin, who told his people that the Di tribes wanted their land, and so rather than bring harm to them he was leaving. The people of Bin realized that he was a good man and flocked after him as if to market. Others decided to stay and defend their land. These were the two choices.

Mencius declared that the appearance of a true king was never more overdue than in his time when the people suffered under such tyrannical governments. He did not just admire the ancients; he believed that twice as much could be done in his time with half the effort. For Mencius ethical good was at the center of the vital force in the human body called qi. The will directs this energy and when it nourishes it with integrity, the qi unites what is right and the way. He recommended a middle path between too much meddling and negligence. He told of a man who urged his rice plants to grow by pulling them out too soon. The other extreme is not even bothering to weed. Mencius could read character from one's words. He could see the blind in their biased words, the ensnared in their immoderate words, those who have strayed in their heretical words, and those at their wits' end in their evasive words.

Along with the legendary sages, Bo Yi and Yi Yin, he admired Confucius most of all. They were capable of winning the homage of the feudal lords, but if they had to kill one innocent person in order to gain the empire, none of them would have consented to do so. People only submit to force unwillingly, because they are not strong enough to resist; but when they submit to the transforming influence of ethics, they do so sincerely with admiration in their hearts. Goodness brings honor, but cruelty disgrace. When the good and wise rule, the able are employed; in times of peace the laws can be explained to the people, but the ruler indulging in pleasures and indolence courts disaster. If the good and wise are honored and the able are employed, gentlemen will come to the court. If goods are exempted from taxation in the marketplace and premises are exempted from land taxes, traders will come. If there is no fee at border stations, travelers will come. If tillers pay no land tax but help in the public fields, farmers will come.

Mencius believed that no one is devoid of a heart sensitive to the suffering of others and used the example of a baby about to fall into a well. Anyone will naturally be moved by compassion to prevent the tragedy, not to get into the good graces of the parents nor to win praise nor because one dislikes to hear a child cry. Whoever is devoid of a heart of compassion and shame and right or wrong is not human. From this heart comes goodness, duty, courtesy, propriety, and wisdom. Anyone lacking these is a slave. Practicing the good is like archery: when one fails to hit the mark, one must correct oneself. If others do not respond to your love, look into your own humanity. If others fail to respond to your governing, consider your own wisdom. If others do not return your courtesy, look into your own respect. In other words, whenever you fail to achieve your purpose, look into yourself.

The best person, like the great Shun, is not afraid to learn from others, and after doing good oneself goes on to help others do good. Mencius believed that the good and talented ought to help those who are less so. Only one who will not do some things is capable of doing great things. He warned people to think of the consequences before pointing out the shortcomings of others. Doing what is right was paramount for Mencius, as he believed that a great person might not always keep one's word or see actions through to the end, if these were not right. A superior person finds the way in oneself, is at ease with it, and draws deeply from it, finding its source wherever one turns. Those who follow the way have many supporters; those who do not have few. At court rank is exalted, and in the village age is respected; but for assisting the world and governing people virtue is best. Mencius accused the governor of Ping Lu of refusing to report to duty several times, because he allowed his people to starve during a famine.

Mencius recommended that if farmers help each other to keep watch, and nurse each other in illness, they will live in love and harmony. The way cannot be bent to please others. No one has ever straightened others by bending oneself. Mencius mentioned that the current teachings in the empire were those of Yang Zhu and Mo-zi. Yang Zhu taught everyone for oneself, and Mo-zi advocated love without making any preference for family. Mencius felt this was no better than beasts. Mencius believed that love of one's parents was the first step, which could lead to peace in the empire. Pleasing one's parents begins by being true to oneself, which depends on understanding goodness. By pleasing one's parents one can win the trust of friends, the confidence of superiors, and thus govern the people.

Mencius referred to Confucius criticizing Ran Qiu for agreeing to raise taxes. How much more would he reject those who wage war on behalf of rulers to gain land and fill the plains with the dead! Mencius called this showing the land how to devour human flesh. For Mencius a great person retains the heart of a child. He felt that even goodness could not be used to dominate people. One can only succeed by using goodness for the welfare of the people, and one can never gain the empire without their heart-felt admiration. The good retain their hearts and love others, and the courteous respect others. Sages may live in retirement or in the world, but they always keep their integrity intact. The heart of compassion is good; the heart of shame is dutiful; the heart of respect appropriate; and the heart of right and wrong wise. Mencius said, "Seek and you will find it; let go and you will lose it."14 People become different because of what ensnares their hearts. The sage is merely the one who discovers what is right and reasonable in the heart.

Mencius observed that once the trees had been luxuriant on Ox Mountain; but being near a city, they were constantly lopped by axes. With rain and dew new shoots came out; but then cattle and sheep grazed upon the mountain, leaving it bald. Is this the nature of the mountain? Similarly humans lose their true hearts, just as the trees were lopped off day by day. Humans rest at night, but each day dissipates what has been gained. When what was original is no longer preserved, they become like animals. Anything will grow with the right nourishment, but without it anything will wither away. Goodness is the heart, and conscientiousness is the correct road. When the heart strays, people often fail to go after it; yet when chickens stray, they will retrieve them. For Mencius the sole concern of learning is to go after this strayed heart. People love all the parts of their person. However, the small person harms the more important in seeking what is less valuable, while the great person nurtures the parts of greater importance. The heart can think and tell the difference. This is what heaven has given humans. But if one does not think, one will not find the answer.

Mencius compared goodness to water, which can overcome the cruelty of fire. Some try to put out a cartload of burning wood with a cup of water and then say water cannot overcome fire. To do this is to place one on the side of the most cruel; in the end they perish. The way is like a broad road that is not difficult to find. The problem is that people simply do not look for it. Those who do look for it will find enough teachers. Once Mencius met a man, who was going to Chu to persuade them that war was unprofitable. Mencius commended his purpose but suggested that by putting profit first ethics may be excluded, and the result will be chaos. By placing the ethics of what is best for all before them all human relationships can be made mutually beneficial.

Mencius explained how morality had degenerated from the three ancient emperors to the five protectors of the feudal lords to the current feudal lords and their counselors, each of which offended against those who came before. The emperor used to inspect the domain, and the feudal lords reported on their duties. Those who needed it were given aid. In the feudal system lords were rewarded with land. If the land was neglected, the good and wise overlooked, and grasping men put in power, then the lord was reprimanded. Thus the emperor punished but did not attack, while the feudal lords attack but do not punish. The protectors then intimidated the feudal lords to attack other feudal lords.

The most illustrious of the protectors, Duke Huan of Qi, got the feudal lords to agree to a pledge which included first, not punishing dutiful sons nor putting aside heirs nor elevating concubines; second, honoring the good and wise and training the capable; third, respecting the aged and being kind to the young, guests, and travelers; fourth, not making offices hereditary, nor letting one man hold more than one office nor allowing a feudal lord to execute a counselor solely on his own authority; and fifth, not allowing diversion of dikes nor prohibiting the sale of rice. Today, complained Mencius, the feudal lords violate all of these five injunctions. Yet Mencius concluded that the crime of encouraging a ruler to evil deeds is small compared to the pandering to his unspoken evil desires. Thus the counselors of the time offend against the feudal lords.

Mencius held that a good person would not even take from one person to give to another, let alone seek territory at the cost of human lives. To enrich a ruler, who is neither attracted to the way nor good to the people, is like enriching a tyrant. When about to place a great responsibility on a person, heaven may test one with hardship and frustrated efforts in order to toughen one's nature and shore up deficiencies. People usually only mend their ways after making mistakes. Those whose minds are frustrated learn how to innovate.

Mencius believed that those who understand their own nature will know heaven; by retaining the heart and nurturing their nature they serve heaven. He found no greater joy than finding upon self-examination that he is being true to himself. He taught the golden rule of trying your best to treat others as you would wish to be treated yourself as the shortest path to goodness. The best person does not abandon what is right in adversity nor depart from the way in success. In obscurity one can perfect one's own person; in prominence one can perfect the whole empire as well. For Mencius good government was not as important as good education, because the people fear good government; but they love good education. Good government wins their wealth, but good education wins their hearts. Mencius believed it contrary to goodness to kill even one person and contrary to justice to take what one is not entitled to. The wise person knows everything but considers urgent only what demands attention. The good person loves everyone but devotes oneself in close association with the good and wise.

Mencius pointed out how Duke Hui of Liang extended his ruthlessness from those he did not love to those he did by sending to war even the young men he loved, whereas a good person extends one's love to those one does not love. Mencius could find no just wars in the Spring and Autumn Era but only peers trying to punish one another by war. He considered those who thought of themselves as military experts as grave criminals. The trouble with people, he thought, was that they leave their own fields to weed others' fields, being exacting toward others but indulgent toward themselves. Like the sages of India, he recommended nurturing the heart by reducing the number of one's desires.
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Xun-zi
Xun-zi (Hsun-tzu) was born about 310 BC in the state of Zhao, but at the age of fifteen he went to study in a center of learning in Qi. There Xun-zi probably wrote his books criticizing the ideas of Shen Buhai, Shen Dao, Zhuang-zi, Mo-zi, and the "Rectifying Theses" aimed at the logicians. After Qi attacked and absorbed the state of Song in 286 BC, Xun-zi tried to persuade King Min and the Lord of Mengchang that their policies were excessive and would lead to doom if they persisted in them. The Lord of Mengchang turned against King Min, and Qi was invaded by the armies of Yen, Qin, Wei, and Zhao in 284 BC. The scholars of the academy in Qi had to flee.

Xun-zi went to the southern state of Chu, which was suffering under the domination of the powerful Qin state. As Qin took over portions of Chu, Xun-zi learned that power must be tempered with justice, and his writings there emphasized education. After about eight years in Chu, Xun-zi returned to the academy in Qi, where he became the most honored scholar. Xun-zi's writing in this period seems to have been influenced by Daoism, though he criticized some of Lao-zi's ideas. About 265 BC Xun-zi was slandered and began to travel to other courts such as Qin and Zhao to give advice as a scholar, though he was never allowed to govern. Xun-zi left Qin when he was about fifty.

About a year after Qin's devastating defeat of Xun-zi's native Zhao in 260 BC in which 400,000 soldiers were buried alive, Xun-zi had a discussion with the Lord of Linwu in the presence of King Xiaocheng of Zhao. Xun-zi argued that what was most important is winning the support of the people so that they can be unified. He claimed that military deception is of no use against a good person and a state that is not torn apart. He observed that Qin used a system of rewards and punishments to build up their strength and expand their territory with repeated victories in the last four generations. Xun-zi believed that people are deceived by using such military means and profit motivations, while the way to unite them is by principles of propriety and moral education. When deception meets deception, the battle may go either way; but when deception meets unity, unity is sure to win.

Xun-zi recommended practical arts for regulating military commands through authority, consistent and appropriate rewards and punishments, alert troop movements, complete reports on the enemy, and proceeding in battle only on the basis of thorough understanding. The five expedients are not worrying about one's rank, not pressing too hard for victory, not being too stern with the men nor despising the enemy, not thinking only of gain but of loss as well, and using supplies liberally. The general may refuse to obey the command of his ruler if he is told to take up an untenable position, attack without hope of victory, or deceive the common people. The king's army should not kill old men and boys nor destroy crops nor seize those who retire without a fight, but it does not forgive those who resist. It does not punish the common people but those who lead them astray.

A true king according to Xun-zi does not make war but carries out punitive expeditions. He does not lay siege to a guarded city nor attack soldiers who resist strongly. He does not massacre a city nor move his army in secret, and he does not keep his soldiers in the field for more than one season. When the king asked him why a good man would take up arms at all if it is only to contend for spoil, Xun-zi replied that a good person loves others and hates to see men do them harm. He only takes up arms to put an end to violence and do away with harm, not to contend for spoil.

Li Si, who studied with Xun-zi and later became prime minister for Qin and helped to establish its empire, said to Xun-zi that Qin won victories not by goodness and justice but by taking advantage of opportunities. Xun-zi responded that Qin lives in terror and apprehension lest the rest of the world unite to defeat them. This superficial model is the way to bring disorder to the world in a degenerate age. Xun-zi summarized his policies this way:

Lead the people by magnifying the sound of virtue,
guide them by making clear ritual principles,
love them with the utmost loyalty and good faith,
give them a place in the government
by honoring the worthy and employing the able,
and elevate them in rank by bestowing titles and rewards.
Demand labor of them only at the proper season,
lighten their burdens, unify them in harmony,
nourish them and care for them as you would little children.
Then, when the commands of government have been fixed
and the customs of the people unified,
if there should be those who depart from the customary ways
and refuse to obey their superiors,
the common people will as one man turn upon them with hatred,
and regard them with loathing,
like an evil force that must be exorcised.
Then and only then should you think of applying penalties.15

Xun-zi explained how a neighboring state may be annexed by virtue, by force, or by wealth. In using virtue the customs of the people are respected so that the people follow willingly, and power is increased. But using force wastes strength on military means and weakens the state, while using wealth depletes the material resources of the state. He pointed out that Qi annexed Song but could not hold on to it, as Wei took it over; Yen managed to annex Qi but lost it to Tian Dan, the Qi general; part of Han joined Zhao, but Qin took it away.

Xun-zi arrived at the court of Zhao just after the Lord of Pingyuan's state had been rescued by the Lord of Xinling and his army from Wei and also an army from Chu in a defeat of Qin that delayed for thirty years their imperialist conquest. The prime minister of Chu, the Lord of Chunshen, appointed Xun-zi magistrate of Lanling but was persuaded to remove the philosopher from office because of the fear that his good government would lead to a mandate from heaven for him to rule larger areas, threatening the Lord of Chunshen's own power. However, another rhetorician convinced this prime minister that he should ask Xun-zi to return to his post, because he is one of the worthiest men in the world. In reply Xun-zi sent a letter saying that a leper pities a king, because a ruler who has robbed and murdered suffers mental anguish, while a leper suffers only physically. Xun-zi composed a poem complaining of one who considers the blind clear-sighted, the deaf keen of hearing, and who considers danger security, asking finally "Why did I ever have anything in common with him?"16 Nevertheless Chunshen invited him to return once more, and Xun-zi took up his post in Lanling until Chunshen was assassinated in 238 BC.

His two most famous students, Li Si and Han Fei-zi, had left him by then; Li Si sought an office in Qin in 247 BC, and Han Fei-zi soon after went to present his views to the king in Qin, where he died in 233 BC. Li Si persuaded the king of Qin not to banish all foreigners, and after Qin conquered all of China in 221 BC he was a high minister two years later and chancellor by 213 BC. Li Si offered his old teacher a nominal position, but Xun-zi was now in his nineties; foreseeing that he would fall into unfathomable disasters, Xun-zi declined the position and died in his late nineties.

Xun-zi's book is organized into discourses on various topics with some poetry. He began by encouraging learning, which the gentleman says should never cease. By studying widely and examining oneself wisdom becomes clear, and conduct can be without fault. For Xun-zi there is nothing more spiritual than transforming oneself with the way. The gentleman is not different by birth but knows how to make use of things as a traveler uses carriages and horses or a boat to cross rivers. Everything has a cause, and human glory or shame is nothing but reflection of one's virtue. When one is careless and lazy and forgets oneself, disaster occurs. Evil and corruption invite the anger of others. Virtue can be created by piling up good deeds, and then spiritual understanding will come of itself. Achievement results from never giving up.

Xun-zi's learning program begins with the classics of history, poetry, and the annals and ends with the books of propriety. The learning of the best is manifest in action, but what the small people hear comes right out the mouth. It is best to associate with the learned and love them. Xun-zi warned against speaking to the gross or arguing with the contentious, but the way may be discussed with a respectful person and its principles with a reasonable person. The best person trains oneself to see, hear, and think only what is right even more than the objects of the senses. The best are not subverted by power or the love of profit nor swayed by the masses or the world. Through constancy in virtue one can order oneself and then respond to others.

Xun-zi emphasized self-improvement. Whoever censures you is your teacher; whoever approves you is your friend; but whoever flatters you is your enemy. Clinging to profit and turning aside from what is right Xun-zi called depravity. If your will is well disciplined, you may hold up your head before wealth and eminence. A person of breeding loves the law and puts it into effect. A gentleman has a firm will and embodies it in conduct. A sage has keen insight that never fails. If you treat old people well and do not press the already hard pressed and do good in secret and seek no reward for kindness, both sages and unworthy people will be with you, and would heaven leave such a person to perish? Though poor and hard pressed, the gentleman is benevolent; though rich and eminent, he is respectful; though at ease, he is not indolent; though weary, he still values good form; he does not take away too much in anger nor give too much in joy.

Xun-zi contrasted the gentleman and the petty person. When the gentleman is courageous, he reveres heaven and follows its way. When faint-hearted, he follows moral duty. When knowledgeable, he understands the interconnections of phenomena. When ignorant, he is honest, diligent and follows a model. When followed, he restrains himself with respect. When not followed, he regulates himself. When he is happy, he harmonizes with others. When sad, he maintains inner peace. When successful, he maintains good form. When encountering hardship, he is frugal and careful. When courageous, the petty person is indolent and haughty; when faint-hearted, lecherous and subversive; when knowledgeable, predatory and clandestine; when ignorant, malicious and rebellious; when followed, imperious; when not followed, resentful and underhanded; when happy, frivolous; when sad, despondent; when successful, proud and unfair; and when encountering hardship, negligent and lazy.

Xun-zi described how a person may nurture one's mind with truthfulness, uphold the principle of humanity, and behave with justice. Thus giving humanity form, it produces transmutation in accord with natural order. But those who lack truthfulness will not be individuals; their characters will not be given form; and the common people will never follow them unless with suspicion. The wise through truthfulness may transmute the people; but without it fathers and sons drift apart, and rulers are considered base.

Xun-zi delineated six productions. Public spirit produces clear understanding, but partisanship produces obscurity. Straightforward diligence produces success, but deceit produces obstructions. Honesty produces perspicacity, but boasting produces self-delusion. Like the Epicureans, Xun-zi found that the desirable may also bring what is detestable, and what is beneficial may eventually involve harm. Therefore one must maturely calculate the relative merits and liabilities in choosing. Human calamities tend to result from prejudices. For Xun-zi the courage of the gentleman is staying with what is just, not being swayed by the exigencies of the moment, not looking for one's own profit, but considering the interests of the whole state and assisting in realizing them, and weighing the threat of death by upholding moral duty.

Xun-zi wrote that Mo-zi knew how to elevate merit and utility, frugality and economy, but he ignored gradations of rank and status, which Xun-zi considered essential to social order. He also criticized those who follow Zi-si and Mencius as deluded. Xun-zi believed that one may develop inner power (virtue) by not using honor to be arrogant nor intelligence to place others in difficulty nor intellect to gain precedence over others nor courage to cause injury. When not knowing, ask others; when lacking ability, study; and even when having ability, yield to others. For Xun-zi learning means not only understanding but carrying it out in action. The wise base their conduct on goodness and justice, making one's speech accord with action.

In governing Xun-zi recommended promoting the worthy, dismissing the incompetent, punishing the incorrigibly evil, and teaching the average people. Proposals ought to be weighed in terms of justice and harmoniousness, but to show favoritism and partisan feeling is the worst thing one can do. Xun-zi believed that if everyone is treated equally, conflict will result from insufficient goods. Distinctions were set up so that those above could watch over those below, but he did not seem to rationalize this with the principle of justice. Nevertheless he believed that the common people should be treated with kindness by capable governors, encouraging filial piety and brotherly affection by looking after orphans and widows and assisting the poor. When this is done, the gentlemen may occupy their positions in safety. However, if the state's coffers are heaped up while the people are impoverished, the state will not be able to protect itself at home nor fight its enemies abroad.

A king works to acquire people, a dictator to acquire allies, and a despot to acquire territory. The militarist, who uses might to conquer cities, inflicts great injury on people in other states, who will want to fight him; but he also harms his own people, who will hate him and will not want to fight for him. Thus he lives in constant peril. Xun-zi did not believe that secrecy was beneficial to the way of the ruler, because the superior should elucidate the standard, be correct, diligent, impartial, and honest.

Xun-zi warned against cutting down trees and injuring plants and fishing in the lakes at the wrong time lest life be destroyed and growing things be injured. Foreseeing an ecological vision, he concluded that the wise found every move on unity. Those who choose well control others, but those who choose badly will be controlled by others. Xun-zi held that war is caused by desire for fame or territory or by anger; but a good ruler may gain fame or territory without fighting, and no one is angry with him. The wicked arise, because the rulers do not honor justice. The just person is in accord with people inwardly and things outwardly, at peace with those above and in harmony with the people below.

Perhaps influenced by the mysticism of Lao-zi, Xun-zi saw the work of heaven as bringing to completion without acting and obtaining without seeking. When the work of heaven is established, then the human form is whole and one's spirit is born, resulting in the emotions of love and hate, delight and anger, sorrow and joy. The heart dwells in the center and governs the five senses. The wise cherish heavenly nourishment, obey heavenly dictates, nourish heavenly emotions, understanding what is to be done and what is not to be done. The gentleman does not stop acting, because the petty carp and clamor, any more than heaven suspends winter, because people dislike cold. The gentleman focuses on what is in his power, living in the present and remembering the past, refined in purpose, rich in virtuous action, and clear in understanding. The petty put aside their own power and long for heaven's power. Xun-zi was skeptical of heavenly portents, fearing rather human portents such as poor plowing, bad weeding, and evil government. To set aside human concerns and long for what belongs to heaven is to mistake the nature of all things. Xun-zi considered ceremonies as markers of the way to guide the people.

Xun-zi offered this succinct critique of some other philosophers:

Shen-zi could see the advantages of holding back,
but not the advantages of taking the lead.
Lao-zi could see the advantages of humbling oneself,
but not the advantages of raising one's station.
Mo-zi could see the advantages of uniformity,
but not those of diversity.
Song-zi could see the advantages of having few desires,
but not of having many.
If everyone holds back and no one takes the lead,
then there will be no gate to advancement for the people.
If everyone humbles himself and no one tries to improve his station,
then distinctions between eminent and humble become meaningless.
If there is only uniformity and no diversity,
then the commands of government can never be carried out.
If there is a lessening of desires and never an increase,
then there will be no way to educate and transform the people.17

Xun-zi placed great importance on li (propriety, ceremonies, ritual). He explained that the ancients found desires led to conflict and disorder if they were not regulated by principles of propriety and justice. He believed that social distinctions need to be made between the eminent and humble, elder and younger, rich and poor, and the important and unimportant. The wise know how to think and be steadfast, but he also felt they have a love of ritual. Both the outer form and inner meaning must be considered along with the inner feelings and outer practical use. A gentleman would be ashamed to treat even a slave in a way that offends the heart. He wrote, "Rites trim what is too long and stretch out what is too short, eliminate surplus and repair deficiency, extend the forms of love and reverence, and step by step bring to fulfillment the beauties of proper conduct."18

Xun-zi also loved music, which he called joy. Bad music he felt could be a source of danger and disgrace. The wise kings found joy in proper music, because it could make the hearts of people good by deeply influencing them and reforming their ways.

Xun-zi was concerned that people become obsessed by a small corner of truth and fail to comprehend its over-all principles. He believed that people sincerely seek what is proper, but they are led astray by their prejudices and bad habits. He criticized Mo-zi for being obsessed by utilitarian considerations, Shen Buhai for being obsessed by the power of circumstance, and Zhuang-zi for being obsessed by thoughts of heaven. Utilitarian considerations make the way wholly a matter of material profit; thinking only of circumstance makes it wholly a matter of expedience; and thinking only of heaven makes the way wholly a matter of harmonizing with natural forces. However, he considered Confucius good, wise, and free of obsession. People understand the way by using the mind to understand through its emptiness, unity, and stillness. Yet the mind also stores things up, is diversified, and constantly moving. The intellect can use memory, which does not hinder new impressions. The mind is the ruler of the body and the master of its intelligence. By its own will it prohibits or permits, rejects or accepts, goes or stops; the mind decides what is right.

In a time of much logical debate, Xun-zi attempted to "rectify names" by defining his terms. What comes from birth he called nature. Likes and dislikes, delights and angers, griefs and joys of nature he called emotions. When emotions arise, the mind makes a choice among them through thought. Applied decisions he called conscious activity. Action based on profit is business, and action based on duty is moral conduct. Knowledge that is applied practically is called ability. Injuries to one's nature are sickness, and unforeseen occurrences are fate. Clarifying terms so that they correspond to reality he considered essential to social order. Because he believed that everyone does what they think is good and rejects what they think is bad, anyone who understands the way will abide by it. Anyone who would exchange the desires of countless years for a momentary gratification simply cannot do arithmetic. Those who endanger their bodies, afflict their minds, and behave recklessly, when they want health, joy, and honor, have allowed the self to become the slave of things.

The main difference Xun-zi had with Mencius was that he believed that human nature is evil and that goodness is the result of conscious activity. Desire for profit comes from the nature of the emotions, but one can be transformed by instruction from a teacher and guidance by propriety. Courtesy and humility are contrary to the emotional nature and must be learned by conscious action. Thus the wise transform their nature by conscious activity to set up ritual principles and regulations. Xun-zi feared that if the authority of the ruler was eliminated so that the order of ritual principles and laws and standards with their punishments were rejected, then the powerful would exploit the weak, the many would terrorize the few, and the whole world would become chaotic and mutually destructive. Nevertheless he believed that everyone could understand goodness, justice, and ritual principles and put them into practice if one associates with good people and is properly taught.

In one of his poems Xun-zi lamented that the world is not well ordered. The military is promoted in the name of military preparedness. Those who follow the way and its virtue are slandered by many. The humane are degraded and reduced to poverty, while proud and violent men usurp and tyrannize at will. Xun-zi believed that when a country is about to flourish it is certain to value its teachers and give great importance to education, and its laws and standards will be preserved; but when it is on the verge of decay, teachers are treated with contempt, the people are smugly self-satisfied, and the laws and standards will be allowed to go to ruin. In the final eulogy at the end of Xun-zi's book, a commentator explained that Xun-zi had a harder time than Confucius, because he was oppressed by a chaotic age that was intimidated by threats of stern punishment, as rulers faced the aggression of Qin. Ritual and moral principles were not observed; the humane were degraded and constrained or ridiculed and derided; and the transforming effects of teaching were not brought to completion.
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只看该作者 97 发表于: 2009-03-15
Later Confucian Works
In addition to the five ancient classics of Confucius' time, from the fourth to the first centuries BC many shorter Confucian writings were collected together in the Li Ji, which became the most important classic of Li (propriety, rites). In addition to the Analects of Confucius (Lun Yu) and the books of Mencius and Xun-zi, another minor Confucian classic was the Book of Filial Piety (Xiao Jing), which was traditionally ascribed to Zeng-zi, the disciple of Confucius who emphasized this virtue. However, scholars believe it was compiled from Confucian teachings in the same period when the Li Ji was being formed.

The Xiao Jing consists of conversations between Confucius himself and Zeng-zi. In this text filial piety (xiao) is heralded as the basis of virtue and the source of culture. Confucius explains that since all of our bodies are given to us by our parents, filial piety should make sure that no harm comes to our parents. This loyalty begins with the parents but moves on to service of the sovereign and is completed by the establishment of one's own personality. From our parents we learn how to love, and one who loves one's parents does not dare to hate others. Love and reverence in service to one's parents gives one a moral influence that transforms people and becomes a model for all.

The filial feudal lord is not proud and arrogant but frugal and prudent in order to keep his wealth and dignity. Filial officers do not presume to use words or act contrary to the early kings. Filial scholars have equal love for their mothers and fathers and their prince; they show love to their mothers, reverence to their prince, and both to their fathers. The common people are filial by supporting their parents through using the soil of the earth and being prudent and frugal in their expenditures. Government by filial piety means not neglecting the ministers of small states nor ignoring widows nor mistreating servants and concubines, much less the aristocrats, scholars, people, wives, and children.

No bond is greater than the life parents give one. No kindness is greater than their care for the children in their upbringing. Thus filial piety loves one's parents before all by revering them, making them happy, taking care of them in sickness, showing sorrow over their death, and sacrificing to them solemnly. Whoever really loves one's parents will not be proud in a high position nor rebellious in an inferior position nor contentious with the people. Another duty is for the son to admonish the parents even if it means disobedience. In case of gross wrong, the son should admonish the father just as the minister should admonish his sovereign and a friend admonish a scholar. If ministers admonish the ruler, a state will not be lost even if the ruler is not virtuous.

Three books of rituals served as the Li Jing (Ritual Classic). The oldest is the I Li, which was discussed in the last chapter. The Zhou Rituals (Zhou Li) is ascribed to the famous Duke of Zhou; but scholars believe it was a work of the fifth or fourth centuries BC, although some believe it was entirely forged by Han scholars. The six parts of the Zhou Li describe what came to be the six departments of Chinese government for the next two thousand years. The Institute of Heaven is the prime ministry that supervises all governmental activities and controls and appoints all the officials. The Institute of Earth covers education and social welfare, especially agriculture and marriage. The Institute of Spring is concerned with ceremonies and protocol, including divination and astrology. The Institute of Summer manages defense and security, training the troops. The Institute of Autumn is the department of justice and punishment, administering the laws. The last section of the book on the Institute of Winter was lost but was replaced by the "Record of the Inspection of Works" on the department of public works and economic production.

The collection of texts known as the Li Ji was composed by followers of Confucius and became an important compendium of Confucian teachings by the first century BC when it was compiled by Dai De and his nephew Dai Sheng. The rules of propriety are discussed in detail for funeral rites and mourning, sacrifices, archery and chariot-driving contests, capping ceremonies for the initiation into adulthood, marriage ceremonies, audiences, drinking and banquet festivities, and friendly missions. The Li Ji begins with the following summary of the rules of propriety:

Always and in everything let there be reverence;
with the deportment grave as when one is thinking,
and with speech composed and definite.
This will make the people tranquil.
Pride should not be allowed to grow;
the desires should not be indulged;
the will should not be gratified to the full;
pleasure should not be carried to excess.
Men of talents and virtue can be familiar with others
and yet respect them;
can stand in awe of others and yet love them.
They love others and yet acknowledge the evil that is in them.
They accumulate and yet are able to part with it;
they rest in what gives them satisfaction
and yet can seek satisfaction elsewhere.
When you find wealth within your reach,
do not get it by improper means;
when you meet with calamity,
do not escape from it by improper means.
Do not seek for victory in small contentions;
do not seek for more than your proper share.
Do not positively affirm what you have doubts about;
and do not let what you say appear as your own view.19

What is right for the time and circumstances should be followed. In a mission to another state, its customs are to be observed. One should not try to please others in an improper way nor be lavish with one's words. Good conduct is when one cultivates one's own person and fulfills one's words in accordance with the right course. Virtue, goodness, and justice cannot be fully carried out without the rules of propriety, nor can training and lessons be complete, quarrels cleared up, duties between ruler and minister, high and low, father and son, elder brother and younger be determined, nor can majesty and dignity be shown at court nor official duties carried out nor offerings to spiritual beings be presented without the rules of propriety. Respect and reverence make humans different from beasts. The rules of propriety value reciprocity. Propriety is seen in humbling oneself and honoring others.

In the chapter on the evolution of propriety Confucius recalls the Grand Unity when a public and common spirit ruled everywhere. Those with talents, virtue and ability were chosen. Words were sincere, and harmony was cultivated. People did not only love their parents or sons but everyone's. The aged were provided with security until death, the able-bodied with employment, and the young with the means of growing up. Kindness and compassion were shown to widows, orphans, and the disabled. Men had proper work, and women had their homes. Selfish schemings found no development, and stealing did not show itself.

When this Grand Union fell into disuse, the kingdom became hereditary, and now everyone loves their own parents and cherishes their own children, working for their own advantage. The rules of propriety were used by great men of power and position to drive away rulers who did not follow them, having recourse to arms. In this less spontaneously good age, ancient kings used the rules of propriety to represent the ways of heaven and regulate human feelings.

The seven feelings are joy, anger, sadness, fear, love, disliking, and liking. The ten virtues that are right are kindness of the father and filial duty of the son, gentleness of the older brother and obedience of the younger, justice of the husband and submission of the wife, kindness of elders and deference of juniors, and benevolence of the ruler and loyalty of the minister. Truthfulness in speech and cultivation of harmony are called advantageous, while quarrels, plundering, and murder are disastrous.

The excellence of two short texts in the Li Ji was so recognized by Neo-Confucian scholars of the twelfth century CE that they made them two of the four Confucian classics (along with the Analects and Mencius), and for six centuries they were the basis of civil service examinations. These two texts are the Da Xue, which has been translated as "The Great Learning" and which I call "Higher Education" because it means learning for adults, and the Zhong Yong, which has been translated as "The Doctrine of the Mean" and "Central Harmony" and which I call "The Center of Harmony." The first part of the Da Xue is attributed to Confucius, and scholars divide on the authorship of the commentary and editing between the disciple Zeng-zi and the grandson of Confucius, Zisi, who is also generally considered the author of the Zhong Yong.

The Da Xue begins with the three aims of the way of learning as manifesting clear character, loving the people, and living in the highest good. These enable one to achieve directing purpose, calm clarity, peaceful poise, careful deliberation, and success. The eight steps begin with the investigation of things and proceed to extending knowledge, a sincere will, setting the heart right, cultivating the personal life, making families harmonious, government orderly, and result in peace in the world. Cultivating the personal life is considered the root. Such is the essential text attributed to the great Confucius.

In the commentary Confucius is quoted as saying that he could handle litigations as well as anyone, but what is needed is for people not to have litigations at all. Making the will sincere means not allowing any self-deception. Thus the best people always watch over themselves when they are alone. Zeng-zi said that wealth may make a house shine, but virtue makes a person shine. Saying that cultivation of the personal life depends on rectifying the mind means that when one is affected by anger, fear, fondness, worries and anxiety, the mind will not be correct. One must cultivate the personal life in order to regulate the family or else one will be partial toward those they love, dislike, fear, revere, pity, and respect. Few in the world know what is bad in those they like and what is good in those they dislike.

The family must be regulated before the state can be governed, because no one who cannot teach his own family can teach others. When families become good and compliant, then the whole state will become so. Yet when one man becomes greedy, the whole country will be disordered. A gentleman must have good qualities in himself before he can require them in others. No one who does not have altruism oneself can teach other people. When the ruler treats the elders with respect and the young with compassion, then the people will be aroused to filial piety and find peace in the world. Virtue is the root that produces the fruit of wealth. Yet when wealth is gathered in the ruler's hand, the people will scatter away from him; but when wealth is scattered, they will gather around him. Evil words uttered will be uttered back to one. When wealth is acquired in an evil way, it will be taken away in an evil way. But when the ruler loves humanity, the people will love justice and carry the affairs of the state to completion.

"The Center of Harmony" (Zhong Yong), which is influenced by mystical Daoism, begins by defining human nature as what is given by heaven, which when followed is called the way. Cultivating the way is education. The best people look into their hearts and watch the unseen and apprehend the unheard. Before the feelings of pleasure, anger, sorrow, and joy are aroused, one is in what is called the center. When these feelings are aroused and attain their due measure and degree, it is called harmony. The center is the supreme foundation of the universe, and harmony is its universal expression. When the center and harmony are fully realized, order and happiness abound in heaven and earth, and everything flourishes.

Confucius said that the best people always maintain the center, but others do not watch the center in their hearts. The smart go beyond it; the stupid do not come up to it. Confucius regretted that the way was not being pursued. The legendary emperor Shun avoided the extremes and found the center. Confucius also saw the good embraced by his student Hui. Even when states are put in order, honors and rewards are declined, and naked weapons are trampled on, the center of harmony is still not being followed. Only the wise who are in accord with the center of harmony retire from the world and are unknown to their age with no regret. Yet even the wise do not know the way nor practice it completely. The way finds its simple beginnings in the relationship between a man and a woman, but in its ultimate extent it illuminates heaven and earth.

For Confucius the way is not far from people; what is removed from people cannot be considered the way. The best govern people according to human nature. Conscientiousness and reciprocity mean not doing to others what you do not wish them to do to you. The best do what is proper to their position and do not go beyond this. The way is like a long journey that must begin with what is near. In a religious moment Confucius praises the power of invisible spiritual beings. Next Confucius praises the founders of the Zhou Dynasty for their virtue.

The way is cultivated by human goodness, and its greatest expression is in loving relations. Justice is the principle of setting things right, and its greatest expression is honoring the worthy. These two give rise to the rules of propriety. To cultivate their personal lives rulers must serve their parents and know people, and then they will know heaven. The three universal virtues are wisdom, love, and courage, and the way by which they are practiced is one. These three virtues come from love of learning, practicing vigorously, and a sense of shame. The nine rules for governing the world, states, and families are cultivating the personal life, honoring the worthy, loving the relatives, respecting the great ministers, identifying oneself with the welfare of all the officers, treating the common people as one's own children, promoting all the useful arts and crafts, being kind to strangers from far countries, and taking interest in the princes of the world.

Understanding what is good leads to sincerity, which is the way of heaven. Thinking how to be sincere is the human way and is choosing the good and holding to it. Sincerity may be studied extensively by inquiring into it accurately, thinking it over carefully, discerning it clearly, and practicing it thoroughly. Do not give up even if it takes a thousand efforts. Enlightenment results from sincerity. Those who are absolutely sincere develop fully their own nature, the nature of others and things, and by forming a trinity with heaven and earth are able to assist in the transforming and nourishing process. This is done by the expression and manifestation of sincerity so that it is full of light, moves others, changes and transforms them. Absolute sincerity can even foreknow and understand omens. Sincerity completes the self in goodness and things in wisdom, uniting the internal and external. Absolute sincerity is ceaseless, eternal, manifest, infinite, extensive and deep, transcendental and brilliant.

By this bridge the Confucians get to the Daoist way of accomplishing without acting. Yet for the Confucians the process begins with study and learning and results in respecting the rules of propriety. Confucius is credited with transmitting the ancient doctrines of Yao and Shun harmonized with the adaptations of Wen and Wu. The Confucians look to the perfectly wise, who can rule all people with quick apprehension, intelligence, insight, and wisdom; embrace all people with greatness, generosity, kindness, and a tender heart; maintain everything with energy, strength, steadiness, and resolution; command reverence with balance, seriousness, centeredness, and correctness; and exercise discrimination with order, refinement, concentration, and penetration.

The best people of this Confucian ideal expressed in the Zhong Yong examine their hearts so that nothing is wrong there and so can observe what others do not see, be reverent without moving, truthful without speaking, encourage good without rewarding, awe people without showing anger in perfect virtue. Thus we find here a synthesis of Confucian and Daoist philosophy.

The philosopher-scholar who helped to bring about the triumph of Confucianism in the Han dynasty, Dong Zhongshu, lived in the second century BC. Dong Zhongshu wanted to unify the empire culturally by teaching the Confucian classics. In 136 BC he urged Emperor Wu to open an imperial university for the study of the five traditional classics (Documents, Odes, Changes, Rites and the Spring and Autumn Annals). His own book, Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn Annals, integrates the currently popular yin-yang cosmology with Confucian philosophy. Dong Zhongshu treated the universe as an organic whole in which heaven, earth, and humans all influence each other. He would subject the people to the ruler and the ruler to heaven. Dong Zhongshu believed that heaven's will could be discerned by correlating catastrophes and anomalies with warnings in one's heart. This philosophy led to a more superstitious attitude toward such things as eclipses and weather patterns.

Dong Zhongshu believed that humans are the only creatures capable of practicing goodness and justice, but they can also be greedy. For Dong one must rectify oneself to be just, and love others to be good. Love needs the discrimination of wisdom, and wisdom needs love to be translated into action. Dong Zhongshu taught that the good person loves people, harmonizes likes and dislikes in human relations, does not harbor hatred or a desire to hurt, does not conceal or evade, is not jealous, does not let desires lead to sadness or worry, and does not do anything treacherous, cunning, or depraved.

Confucius and his followers, in my opinion, offered a marvelous ethical philosophy in warring and chaotic times that mostly ignored their advice. Although sexist and patriarchal as their times, the universal ethical values and methods of attaining them are well thought out and available to everyone. The detailed regulations of the rules of propriety could become rigid and tyrannical to free expression if they are slavishly followed, and the emphasis on the traditions of past heroes and excessive respect for elders could also lead to a rigid social culture dominated by tradition and the older generation. Yet this tendency was already in Chinese culture before Confucius, whose ethical principles at least provided an opportunity to moderate such dominance. The Confucian influence in Chinese culture was to be immense, but how it was practiced in the coming centuries still needs to be examined.

Daoism and Mo-zi
Notes
1. Analects tr. Arthur Waley, 7:22.
2. Ibid. 17:5.
3. Ibid. 4:18.
4. Ibid. 4:8.
5. Ibid. 7:3.
6. Ibid. 5:11.
7. Ibid. 14:21.
8. Ibid. 7:10.
9. Ibid. 7:6.
10. Li Chi 26: "Ching Chieh" in Wisdom of Confucius by Lin Yutang, p. 191-192.
11. Analects tr. Arthur Waley, 12:19.
12. Ibid. 2:15.
13. Mencius tr. D. C. Lau, 1B:11, p. 70.
14. Ibid. 6A:6, p. 163.
15. Basic Writings of Hsun Tzu tr. Burton Watson, p. 74
16. Hsun-tzu 26:8 in Xunzi tr. John Knoblock, Vol. 3, p. 204.
17. Basic Writings of Hsun Tzu tr. Burton Watson, p. 87-88.
18. Ibid., p. 100.
19. Li Chi (Book of Rites) 1:1 tr. James Legge, p. 61-62.

Copyright © 1998-2005 by Sanderson Beck
This chapter has been published in the book CHINA, KOREA & JAPAN to 1800. For ordering information please click here.

Contents
Shang, Zhou and the Classics
Confucius, Mencius and Xun-zi
Daoism and Mo-zi
Legalism, Qin Empire and Han Dynasty
China 7 BC to 1279
Mongols and Yuan China
Ming Empire 1368-1644
Qing Empire 1644-1799
Korea to 1800
Japan to 1615
Japan 1615-1800
Summary and Evaluation
Bibliography
Qing Decline 1799-1875
Qing Dynasty Fall 1875-1912
Republican China in Turmoil 1912-1926
Nationalist-Communist Civil War 1927-1937
China at War 1937-1949
Korea 1800-1949
Japan's Modernization 1800-1894
Imperial Japan 1894-1937
Japan's War and Defeat 1937-1949
Chronological Index

CONFUCIUS AND SOCRATES: Teaching of Wisdom
Contents
Introduction
Life of Confucius
Attitudes of Confucius
How Confucius Taught
What Confucius Taught
Did Confucius Practice It?
Influence of Confucius

BECK index
级别: 管理员
只看该作者 98 发表于: 2009-03-15
CONFUCIUS AND SOCRATES
Teaching Wisdom
by Sanderson Beck

Introduction
Wisdom
Wisdom Teachers
Purpose and Methods
This chapter has been published in the book CONFUCIUS AND SOCRATES Teaching Wisdom. For ordering information, please click here.

When contemplating what philosophical contribution can be made to education, one way to begin is to look at the origin of the word "philosophy," which derives from Greek, and means literally "the love of wisdom." In Plato's Phaedrus, Socrates said that those whose ideas are based on the knowledge of the truth and who can defend or prove them, when they are put to the test by spoken arguments, are to be called not merely poets, orators, or legislators, but are worthy of a higher name, befitting the serious pursuit of their life. However, we cannot give them the name of "wise" because only God is worthy to be called wise. Therefore we call these lovers of wisdom "philosophers."1

Wisdom
Let us pursue this idea of wisdom to see what it might be and whether it would be worthy of our attention. Then we can consider the role of education in the development of wisdom. Wisdom is described in The Encyclopedia of Philosophy as being a practical knowledge based on reflection and judgment concerned with the art of living.2 In this article Brand Blanshard went on to point out that many modern philosophers have given up the pursuit of this wisdom either because they feel that judgments of value are based upon feelings and desires rather than knowledge, or that judgments are based on intuition which is difficult to defend by logical arguments.3 However, if the art of living is based on value judgments which involve intuitions, feelings, and desires, then we must take these into consideration if we are to truly discover what wisdom is and how it works psychologically. Also "wisdom" has a positive connotation implying more than being concerned with the art of living but also being successful at this art.
Before we examine some of the ideas about wisdom expounded throughout the history of philosophy, let us first explore the nature of wisdom through our own investigation. What is the origin and source? How does it work? What are its goals and values?

First, it may be helpful to begin with the broad distinction between living things and inanimate objects. Living creatures are characterized by the ability to move and grow, whereas dead or non-living matter can only be moved by something else outside of itself. Even in plants, the simplest forms of life, we see the abilities of self-organization (all living organisms have this) and adaptability through mobility to be much more developed and complex. Although higher animals have the advantage of the five senses common to man, their activities are guided by instinct rather than deliberate reasoning. In discussing the hemispheres of the human brain as the seat of memory, William James indicated how other animals are lacking in prudence, which is a similar concept to the "practical wisdom" (phronesis) of the Greeks.

First, no animal without it can deliberate, pause, postpone,
nicely weigh one motive against another, or compare.
Prudence, in a word, is for such a creature an impossible virtue.
Accordingly we see that nature removes those functions
in the exercise of which prudence is a virtue
from the lower centers and hands them over to the cerebrum.
Whenever a creature has to deal with complex features
of the environment, prudence is a virtue.
The higher animals have so to deal;
and the more complex the features,
the higher we call the animals.4

For example, the animal's inability to transcend the instincts for food or sex make it incapable of making a decision based on a higher value than immediate nourishment and reproduction or pleasure. James also described how humans may vary in the use of their intelligence in relation to time.

In all ages the man whose determinations are swayed
by reference to the most distant ends
has been held to possess the highest intelligence.
The tramp who lives from hour to hour;
the bohemian whose engagements are from day to day;
the bachelor who builds but for a single life;
the father who acts for another generation;
the patriot who thinks of a whole community and many generations;
and finally, the philosopher and saint
whose cares are for humanity and for eternity,-
these range themselves in an unbroken hierarchy,
wherein each successive grade results
from an increased manifestation of the special form of action
by which the cerebral centers are distinguished from all below them.5

We see here that what James calls "intelligence" exists in degrees on a continuum. If wisdom is similar to intelligence, then it is likely also to exist in varying degrees. Animals which depend on instinct do not require a long period of development, and in fact cannot be educated beyond the level of training. However, humans require a longer period of care and development in the early period of life, being uniquely educable. Recent man is in fact the only species named "wise"-homo sapiens. Having looked at wisdom in a broad way as being in some way a process of life as movement and adaptability, and that beyond the instinctual level it may be particularly important for man, let us now turn to examine wisdom in human experience.

We experience life through consciousness and awareness, in which we may also include unconscious processes. Because awareness is only found in living beings, it is likely that awareness is a function of life. As wisdom is not active in non-living matter, so too wisdom is also experienced as a characteristic or result of some awareness. Yet as we indicated earlier its connotation implies a value. Wisdom has been valued in virtually every age and society. Why is it valued? To perceive what something non-material is, we may use our spiritual intuition. Then we can employ reasoning to ascertain whether our intuitive understanding is correct or will work. Let us then begin with an intuitive description of wisdom and then analyze it rationally. Wisdom is the awareness used by the self to relate successfully to the environment; to be practical in acting upon the environment it must include both knowledge and action. We have described awareness as the consciousness of life. By "self" is meant our subjective identity as an individual, and we might describe "environment" as the field of experience for the self.

Now we must explore what constitutes "success." Since wisdom is defined as including both knowledge and action, then we must discover what is the success of each. The goal of knowledge is to understand the truth, and the purpose of action is to do what is good. Understanding of the truth can be described as awareness of reality, of what is actual, which usually can be objectified by inter-subjective agreement with others. However, to universalize "good action," we must develop a theory of values.

Let us begin by analyzing how people experience what is valued as good. Everyone desires or loves what one considers to be good. Or we might say, relative good is what a person loves as indicated by what one pursues. The difficulty here is that not everyone agrees as to what is good because of various situations and sets of consciousness. Yet in each case, love in this sense is one's movement toward what one believes is good, whether it be love of security, love of excitement, love of money, love of power, love of affection, love of truth, etc. By analyzing these expressions we may find that some of these goods are more temporary or selfish than others, seeming at first better than they actually are in the long run. In fact, in-depth study and the results of experience may reveal that some temporary pleasures valued as good may have painful consequences not recognized by the consciousness which is seeking them yet be eventually experienced nonetheless. Adaptation to these types of experiences tends to develop greater wisdom through the life-process of trial and error. To the extent that the end good which is sought is found to be a limited or lesser good, the love moving toward it must be less pure and limited by the goal it is seeking. The greater the good is, the greater will be the love experienced moving toward it, and the more fulfilling will be the results. This is so because the nature of the love is conditioned by the good it is pursuing. Wisdom is what enables the consciousness to perceive what is truly good in the widest context through the love of greater and more universal values. The wisest person will know and act for the highest good, that is, for the highest good of all who are concerned in the action. A person is wise, then, to the extent that one knows what is for the highest good of all concerned and acts accordingly.

What are these universal human values? A universal value is one which is good in every situation, unless another higher universal value for some reason takes precedence over it in a certain situation. A primary value is life from which we derive the value of health. Perhaps the most essential value is happiness, from which some philosophers have derived calmness and imperturbability as the most stable forms of happiness. All other human values may be related to happiness because happiness generally means the achieving or experiencing of what is good. Certainly liberty is recognized as a fundamental value by many because it allows people to seek the good in their own way and thus develop their own wisdom. An overview of human relations has made justice a value of society as a protection for each individual, and the consequences of injustice have shown that justice is for the highest good of all concerned. When a human consciousness is able to interact with others and the natural environment so as to attain universal values such as these, then we usually call it wisdom.

Now, how can we achieve this wisdom? Whereas everyone desires happiness just as we love what we believe is good, again we find that we are not always happy, which indicates that we do not always know the true path to happiness. Or shall we say, there are degrees of happiness, and most of us have plenty of room for improvement, considering the varying levels of happiness among humans. Yet by means of everyday trial-and-error experience we tend to grow wiser throughout most of life; but obviously some are wiser than others, and some increase in wisdom more rapidly than others. Wisdom is in fact learned or developed, even if it is not taught by a person. How is it learned? If wisdom involves an interaction between the self and the environment, then a greater knowledge of the environment makes wiser action possible. Yet wisdom is not merely objective knowledge or science; but it also involves the subjective factor and personal values because of each person's unique situation and choices.

People must act for themselves and are responsible for their decisions even if they are influenced by others, if for no other reason than it is they themselves who do their own actions. To know one's own consciousness in terms of desires, feelings, intuitions, reasoning, and one's various predilections and tendencies psychologically is to be able to make better decisions. Therefore self-knowledge and self-improvement along with the comprehension of universal values are helpful in making wiser decisions, which link knowledge and action, the subjective and objective. The learning of wisdom, then, may be accelerated by self-examination and the directing of one's love or motivation toward greater values. Although these things may or may not be taught per se, we may be able to investigate how another human being may assist, stimulate, awaken, and encourage a person in this striving for wisdom by looking at his or her actions and words in helping others to become wiser themselves. There is also the spiritual and religious perspective which holds that the good itself, an all-wise being, or God, can communicate with and guide the individual who directs his or her consciousness towards these things. Wisdom then becomes an attribute of a higher reality which can be our teacher and guide.

Is wisdom needed today? From the above discussion it is not difficult to see that wisdom could be helpful in any human situation. In fact it appears that wisdom is needed now more than any other time in history. In the ancient times wisdom was proverbially sought after, but in the modern age science and technology have dominated. With these advances the decisions we must make are even more critical and consequential. Joseph Wood Krutch discussed the dilemma.

Perhaps we are wiser, less selfish and more far-seeing
than we were two hundred years ago.
But we are still imperfectly all these good things,
and since the turn of the century it has been remarked
that neither wisdom nor virtue
have increased as rapidly as the need for both.6

In an article on "Humanism" he explained the difference between science and wisdom. "Science can tell us how to do many different things but not whether any specific thing which can be done, ought to be done."7 He then gave the example of the hydrogen bomb.

Alice Bailey described the difference between wisdom and science as relating to the spiritual and material respectively.

Wisdom is the science of the spirit,
just as knowledge is the science of matter.
Knowledge is separative and objective,
whilst wisdom is synthetic and subjective.
Knowledge divides; wisdom unites.
Knowledge differentiates whilst wisdom blends....
Wisdom concerns the one Self,
knowledge deals with the not-self.8

She also pointed out the importance of wisdom in the world today.

Wisdom, actuated and motivated by love,
and intelligently applied to world problems,
is much needed today, and is not yet to be found,
except among the few illumined souls in every nation-
in every nation I say, without exception.
Many more must love with wisdom,
and appreciate the group aspiration,
before we shall see the next reality to be known
and to emerge out of the darkness
which we are now in the process of dispelling.9

The world crises since the twentieth century are demanding the development of greater wisdom. In his book Small is Beautiful, E. F. Schumacher saw the need for wisdom to solve our economic dilemmas.

The neglect, indeed the rejection of wisdom has gone so far
that most of our intellectuals have not even the faintest idea
what the term could mean.
As a result, they always tend to try and cure a disease
by intensifying its causes.
The disease having been caused by
allowing cleverness to displace wisdom,
no amount of clever research is likely to produce a cure.
But what is wisdom? Where can it be found?
Here we come to crux of the matter:
it can be read about in numerous publications
but it can be found only inside oneself.
To be able to find it, one has first to liberate oneself
from such masters as greed and envy.
The stillness following liberation-even if only momentary-
produces the insights of wisdom
which are obtainable in no other way.

They enable us to see the hollowness
and fundamental unsatisfactoriness of a life
devoted primarily to the pursuit of material ends,
to the neglect of the spiritual.
Such a life necessarily sets man against man
and nation against nation,
because man's needs are infinite
and infinitude can be achieved only in the spiritual realm,
never in the material.
Man assuredly needs to rise above this humdrum "world;"
wisdom shows him the way to do it;
without wisdom, he is driven to build up a monster economy,
which destroys the world, and to seek fantastic satisfactions,
like landing a man on the moon.
Instead of overcoming the "world" by moving towards saintliness,
he tries to overcome it by gaining preeminence
in wealth, power, science, or indeed any imaginable "sport."
These are the real causes of war,
and it is chimerical to try to lay the foundations of peace
without removing them first.
It is doubly chimerical to build peace
on economic foundations which, in turn,
rest on the systematic cultivation of greed and envy,
the very forces which drive men into conflict.10

Yet how many courses in our traditional education deal with self-knowledge, self-improvement, or human values? Our schools and universities are so objectively oriented that most educators would not even understand what is meant by subjective knowledge or self-awareness. Although some individuals and a few groups are beginning to pursue this awareness, we certainly have a long way to go. One does not need to cite statistics on crime or discuss the problems of human interaction, which have become so familiar in modern times.

Before we compare our description of wisdom to that of various philosophers, let us summarize our preliminary definition. Wisdom is the knowledge of and action for the highest good of all concerned. There are two necessary conditions, neither of which is sufficient by itself: 1) knowledge of the highest good, and 2) action for the highest good. To know what is right to do and not to do it certainly is not wisdom, though it is a kind of knowledge. Also to do what is right without knowing it is right is not usually considered wisdom, but rather good fortune. However, it is difficult to judge this because the person may know what is right unconsciously, a process which we might call innate wisdom. Both of these conditions together might be considered sufficient, if indeed any verbal definition could be sufficient unto wisdom which is infinite. At least we have a definition, even if it does not explain the dynamics of how wisdom works. There are certain enabling conditions which can make wisdom possible, namely the virtues of courage and temperance or propriety. Courage is the power which enables one to do what one knows is right, while temperance and propriety restrain and moderate one's desires and instincts into expressions which are appropriate.

Now let us briefly look at some of the descriptions of wisdom throughout history to compare them with our preliminary discussion. Wisdom was often mentioned in ancient religious books, particularly those of Judaism. In the book of Job we find confirmation for the idea that it is not the material but the spiritual awareness which deals with wisdom. "Let days speak, and many years teach wisdom. But it is the spirit in a man, the breath of the Almighty, that makes him understand."11
Plato summarized the idea of correct knowledge and action leading to happiness in his Euthydemus.

Seeing that all people desire happiness,
and happiness, as has been shown, is gained by a use,
and a right use, of the things of life,
and the right use of them, and good fortune in the use of them,
is given by knowledge,-
the inference is that everybody ought by all means
to try and make oneself as wise as one can.12

Aristotle supported the point that the one who has knowledge of what one does is better off and wiser than the person who merely acts, such as the manual worker. Knowledge is also necessary for teaching.

But yet we think that knowledge and understanding
belong to art rather than to experience,
and we suppose artists to be wiser than people of experience
(which implies that Wisdom depends in all cases rather on knowledge);
and this because the former know the cause, but the latter do not....
And in general it is a sign of the person who knows
and of the person who does not know,
that the former can teach,
and therefore we think art more truly knowledge than experience is;
for artists can teach, and people of mere experience cannot.13

In the Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle's definitions of practical wisdom were very close to ours.

Now it is thought to be the mark of a person of practical wisdom
to be able to deliberate well about
what is good and expedient for oneself,
not in some particular respect,
e.g. about what sorts of things conduce to health or to strength,
but about what sorts of things conduce to the good life in general....
Practical wisdom, then, must be a reasoned and true state
of capacity to act with regard to human goods.14

Aristotle also correlated happiness with virtue and wisdom.

If happiness is activity in accordance with virtue,
it is reasonable that it should be in accordance with the highest virtue;
and this will be that of the best thing in us.
Whether it be reason or something else that is this element
which is thought to be our natural ruler and guide
and to take thought of things noble and divine,
whether it be itself also divine or only the most divine element in us,
the activity of this in accordance with its proper virtue
will be perfect happiness.15

Likewise he distinguished the happiness based on wisdom from good fortune which does not derive from any virtue.

Let us acknowledge then that each one has
just so much of happiness as one has of virtue and wisdom,
and of virtuous and wise action.
God is a witness to us of this truth,
for God is happy and blessed,
not by reason of any external good,
but in itself and by reason of its own nature.
And herein of necessity lies the difference
between good fortune and happiness;
for external goods come of themselves,
and chance is the author of them,
but no one is just or temperate by or through chance.16

Epictetus analyzed the relationship between the good, love, and wisdom in his discourse "On Friendship." His common-sense psychology came to the same conclusion.

What a person applies oneself to earnestly,
that one naturally loves.
Do people then apply themselves earnestly
to the things which are bad? By no means.
Well, do they apply themselves to things
which in no way concern themselves? Not to these either.
It remains, then, that they employ themselves earnestly
only about things which are good;
and if they are earnestly employed about things,
they love such things also.
Whoever, then, understands what is good,
can also know how to love;
but the one who cannot distinguish good from bad,
how can that one possess the power of loving?
To love, then, is only in the power of the wise.17

Another Stoic philosopher, Marcus Aurelius, found that several essential human values depended on wisdom. He asked why temporary pleasures tend to deceive us and then wrote,

And consider if magnanimity, freedom, simplicity,
equanimity, piety, are not more agreeable.
For what is more agreeable than wisdom itself,
when you think of the security and the happy course of all things
which depend on the faculty of understanding and knowledge.18

Plotinus in a passage on "Dialectic" focused on the decision-making process which unites knowledge and action, and which according to wisdom must consider universals.

And while the other virtues bring the reason to bear
upon particular experiences and acts,
the virtue of Wisdom is a certain super-reasoning
much closer to the Universal;
for it deals with correspondence and sequence,
the choice of time for action and inaction,
the adoption of this course, the rejection of that other:
Wisdom and Dialectic have the task of
presenting all things as Universals and stripped of matter
for treatment by the Understanding.19

Another Neo-Platonist, Boethius, who synthesized much wisdom in his Consolation of Philosophy, described the highest good.

The trouble of the many and various aims
of mortal humans bring them much care,
and herein they go forward by different paths
but strive to reach one end, which is happiness.
And that good is that, to which if anyone attain,
one can desire nothing further.
It is that highest of all good things,
and it embraces in itself all good things:
if any good is lacking, it cannot be the highest good,
since then there is left outside it something which can be desired. Wherefore happiness is a state
which is made perfect by the union of all good things.
This end all humans seek to reach,
as I said, though by different paths.
For there is implanted by nature in the minds of people
a desire for the true good;
but error leads them astray
towards false goods by wrong paths.20

Thus we see the need for greater wisdom to discern the true good.

Immanuel Kant in examining virtue also described practical wisdom as the cause of various human values.

It is also called the true wisdom, namely, the practical,
because it makes the ultimate end
of the existence of man on earth its own end.
Its possession alone makes humans free, healthy, rich, a king, etc.,
nor can either chance or fate deprive one of this,
since one possesses oneself,
and the virtuous cannot lose their virtue.21

In the modern context we find a description of wisdom related to the inner self given by a Mason to Pierre in Tolstoy's War and Peace.

The highest wisdom is not founded on reason alone,
not on those worldly sciences of physics, history, chemistry,
and the like, into which intellectual knowledge is divided.
The highest wisdom has but one science-
the science of the whole-the science explaining
the whole creation and man's place in it.
To receive that science it is necessary
to purify and renew one's inner self,
and so before one can know,
it is necessary to believe and to perfect one's self.
And to attain this end,
we have the light called conscience
that God has implanted in our souls.22

This leads us into the esoteric and mystical views of wisdom such as those of Emerson and Maurice Maeterlinck, who wrote in his book Wisdom and Destiny about depths of wisdom beyond conscious reasoning.

The one who knows oneself is wise;
yet have we no sooner acquired real consciousness of our being
than we learn that true wisdom is
a thing that lies far deeper than consciousness.
The chief gain of increased consciousness
is that it unveils an ever-loftier unconsciousness,
on whose heights do the sources lie of the purest wisdom.
The heritage of unconsciousness is for all people the same;
but it is situate partly within and partly without
the confines of normal consciousness....

We shall not become wise through worshipping reason alone;
and wisdom means more than
perpetual triumph of reason over inferior instincts.
Such triumphs can help us but little
if our reason be not taught thereby to offer
profoundest submission to another and different instinct-
that of the soul.
These triumphs are precious,
because they reveal the presence of diviner instinct,
that grows ever diviner still.
And their aim is not in themselves;
they serve but to clear the way for the destiny of the soul,
which is a destiny, always, of purification and light.23

Alice Bailey also saw a wisdom which is greater than reasoning and which continually develops over many lifetimes.

(Wisdom) has to do with the development of the life within the form,
with the progress of the spirit through those ever-changing vehicles,
and with the expansions of consciousness
that succeed each other from life to life.
It deals with the life side of evolution.
Since it deals with the essence of things
and not with the things themselves,
it is the intuitive apprehension of the truth
apart from reasoning faculty,
and the innate perception that can distinguish
between the false and the true, between the real and the unreal.
It is more than that, for it is also the growing capacity
of the Thinker to enter increasingly into the mind of the Logos,
to realize the true inwardness of the great pageant of the universe,
to vision the objective and to harmonize
more and more with the higher measure.24

Thus the development of wisdom may have importance beyond the physical existence of one lifetime and may actually promote the spiritual evolution of the soul.

In returning to earth, we turn to the ideas of a hard-headed scientist, Jonas Salk, who in his book The Survival of the Wisest discussed the necessity of learning from outer nature also a greater wisdom. He wrote,

Importance is attached to the notion that
wisdom is of 'practical value' for human survival
and for the maintenance and enhancement of the quality of life.
The hypothesis proposed and elaborated in this book is
that Man can learn wisdom from Nature.25

In his conclusion he expressed the need to overcome the recent purposelessness and pathological behavior.

By suggesting the idea of survival of the wisest
I mean not only that the more discerning will survive
but also that the survival of Man, with a life of high quality,
depends upon the prevalence of respect for wisdom
and for those possessing a sense of the being of Man
and of the laws of Nature.26

Wisdom Teachers
So we return once more to our own century, where the poet T. S. Eliot asked, "Where is the wisdom we have lost in knowledge? Where is the knowledge we have lost in information?"27 How can we become wiser? Salk proposed learning from Nature, which has been the way of modern science and through which we certainly have made great gains. Yet as we noted earlier, the great need today appears to be in the subjective areas of self-knowledge and human values. How can we stimulate the present generations to take up these studies? One way is to examine the wisest individuals throughout history, especially those who helped to educate others in wisdom. Kant discussed the awesome characteristics of such a person.

For a teacher of wisdom would mean
something more than a scholar
who has not come so far as to guide oneself,
much less to guide others,
with certain expectation of attaining so high an end:
it would mean a master in the knowledge of wisdom,
which implies more than a modest person would claim for oneself....
and no one would be justified in professing
to be in possession of it so as to assume
the name of philosopher who could not also show
its infallible effects in one's own person as an example
(in one's self-mastery and the unquestioned interest
that one takes pre-eminently in the general good),
and this the ancients also required as a condition
of deserving that honorable title.28

If, then, we are to learn about wisdom by studying another individual, the first requirement is that the person be wise. Then we may proceed to examine what he or she did to help others to become wiser. Kant also indicated that this process of guiding others toward wisdom is an important aspect of philosophy. He ended his Critique of Practical Reason with these statements.

In one word, science
(critically undertaken and methodically directed)
is the narrow gate that leads to the true doctrine of practical wisdom,
if we understand by this not merely what one ought to do,
but what ought to serve teachers as a guide
to construct well and clearly the road to wisdom
which everyone should travel,
and to secure others from going astray.
Philosophy must always continue to be the guardian of this science;
and although the public does not take any interest
in its subtle investigations,
it must take an interest in the resulting doctrines,
which such an examination first puts in a clear light.29

Now if we are concerned not merely with the practice of wisdom but also the teaching of it to others, then we must also select someone about whom we have adequate information as to their methods, style, and results in educating. Investigating how the wisest persons taught or assisted others may give us insights and guidelines for the education of wisdom today.

In the history of civilization there are four men who created and demonstrated a way of life which caught on in their own time and has been followed by countless numbers of people for centuries since. Karl Jaspers called them the "four paradigmatic individuals;"30 they are Buddha, Confucius, Socrates, and Jesus. Each is unique, and they sprang from four quite different cultures-India, China, Greece, and Israel. Each of them exerted a profound influence on his culture in terms of fundamental beliefs, philosophies, and the methods of carrying them out in daily living. In the east Buddhism and Confucianism eventually became complementary to each other as in the west Christianity and philosophical inquiry have for the most part been able to co-exist. This is probably because Buddha and Jesus were spiritual teachers and founders of religions employing meditation and prayer, while Confucius and Socrates were primarily educators emphasizing learning. Consequently instead of being mutually exclusive and conflicting with each other as two religions tend to be, the religious and educational approaches were able to complement and supplement each other. Because of this similarity of emphasis, comparisons between Buddha and Jesus or between Confucius and Socrates would be most likely to show parallel methods.

There are no writings by any of these four men today. However, in each case their disciples wrote about their lives and teachings in remarkable detail. Consequently we have more information on their actions, manners, and teaching styles than on those of the great philosophers who wrote down their own ideas such as Lao-zi, Mencius, Zhuang-zi, Plato, Aristotle, Zhu Xi, Aquinas, Kant, etc. Confucius and Socrates have been chosen here for a humanistic study of learning and teaching. By "humanistic" is meant an attitude of concern for human values such as freedom, individual dignity, justice in relationships, self-knowledge, the improvement of character, and a love for one's fellow humans.

That both Confucius and Socrates pre-eminently represent rationality and a concentration on educational pursuits was recognized by Carl G. Jung when he wrote, "Confucius and Socrates compete for first place as far as reasonableness and a pedagogic attitude to life are concerned."31 Both of them appeared at key transitional periods in the evolution of culture when their fellow humans were ready for educational methods of self-improvement and discussions on ethical questions. Confucius is credited with being the first professional teacher of higher education in China and their first and greatest ethical philosopher. In Greece the professional sophists sprang up during Socrates' lifetime; although he remained an "amateur" or informal teacher, Socrates was recognized by Aristotle for introducing the study of ethics in addition to the use of inductive logic and universal definitions.32 It is hard to imagine the history of Oriental culture without Confucius, and it would be difficult to conceive of Plato without Socrates, Aristotle without Plato, and western philosophy without any of them.

Confucius and Socrates were outstanding examples in humanistic education, and by studying their lives and pedagogy in detail, we may gain a greater understanding of what good humanistic pedagogy is. Because there was no known influence between Chinese and Hellenic culture before 400 BC, these can be treated as independent case studies. Both of these men spent their lives learning and seeking wisdom and the good life. What was wisdom and goodness for Confucius and Socrates, and how did they attempt to realize them themselves and help others to achieve them also? By examining the actions, manner, methods, and subjects of discussion for each of them, it will then be possible to compare them to each other and to formulate key principles and techniques which were successful for them. Many of these may be applicable today by formal teachers and informal seekers of greater wisdom and a better life. An underlying assumption is that human nature has not changed too much in the last 2500 years. In spite of the accumulation of culture and the advance of technology, the fundamental ethical problems of right and wrong, justice, goodness, self-knowledge, and the improvement of character still persist.

Both Confucius and Socrates used a conversational style, and with the recent increase of leisure time and the advent of radio and television interviews, which for many people are beginning to replace some of the burden of reading, dialogs are as important today as ever. As to the importance of this study, what could be more valuable than to learn how to improve one's life? Confucius and Socrates have inspired countless men and women over two dozen centuries; a description of what they were doing may not only be able to inspire readers today to pursue a better life, but it may give some perceptive readers tools they can use to stimulate and assist others to greater wisdom.

The method employed in this study is comparative biography. The original model for this is Plutarch's Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romans, though he only selected politicians and generals. At the beginning of his life of Alexander, Plutarch emphasized that he was not writing histories, but lives.

Therefore, as portrait-painters are more exact
in the lines and features of the face,
in which the character is seen,
than in the other parts of the body,
so I must be allowed to give my more particular attention
to the marks and indications of the souls of men.33

In this work even more of the emphasis is on the character and teaching of the two men because the historical events are less important for philosophers and teachers than they are for politicians. Nonetheless because of the antiquity of Confucius and Socrates, the historical difficulties are immense. We must rely on the written documents of other ancient writers, and the historical accuracy of those available is questionable and controversial. Although I may be unable to solve these problems, which have plagued scholars for centuries, I will explain how these difficulties will be handled.

In the case of Confucius, the primary source used is The Analects, which was compiled by disciples within a generation or two of Confucius' death. These anecdotes and conversations between Confucius and his disciples (students) are simply and realistically portrayed, as no attempt was made to write a long, philosophical treatise. Other ancient documents from later periods such as Mencius and Sima Qian's biography are used sparingly for background and are specifically mentioned when so used. The other two primary Confucian classics, usually translated as The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean, were probably written about a century or more after the time of Confucius. They have not been used to describe Confucius as a teacher, but the texts without their commentaries are presented in the Appendix as Higher Education and The Center of Harmony because they express the spirit of Confucius' teachings.

Purpose and Methods
Because the purpose here is to study the pedagogy of Confucius and Socrates, their philosophies will only be discussed in relation to how and what they taught. For this reason also the scope of this can not go into elaborate detail and analyses of their philosophical positions. The main contribution intended here is to the field of education rather than philosophy, and there is a much greater need for an educational study because so many philosophical ones have already been done.

This book is a descriptive portrait of Confucius and Socrates as a men who sought wisdom and the good life both for themselves and others through learning and teaching. Each study will examine briefly what they did during their lives, and their manner and attitudes exemplified by their behavior and words. Then we shall investigate in detail the pedagogical methods they used in searching for wisdom and goodness, and then the subjects on which they concentrated their energy. After having examined their teachings we shall review the correspondence between their actions and their teachings to see if they set a good example for their students. Finally we shall note the results of their educational pursuits on the lives and characters of their immediate students or listeners.

The summary will compare the lives and teaching of Confucius and Socrates to see what similarities stand out and also the reasons for and significance of any differences. These will be analyzed to see what changes they might have caused in the teaching and on the students. Although these are only two case studies, they have been selected as the two best examples of humanistic pedagogy. Therefore based on the success of their methods, the key principles of learning and teaching which they exemplified will be formulated. The goal is to understand these principles, based on the observations of how Confucius and Socrates employed them, in order to make them useful today for anyone who is pursuing greater wisdom and a better life through a conversational process of learning. These may prove beneficial to students of life and to teachers inside and outside the classroom. Teachers may be able to employ specific techniques and topics in discussions, and the non-professional may use these principles as guidelines in examining his or her own actions, values, attitudes, and conduct. Readers who are able to pursue wisdom and the good life more effectively through learning these things may even become positive examples for others.
级别: 管理员
只看该作者 99 发表于: 2009-03-15
Life of Confucius
by Sanderson Beck
This chapter has been published in the book CONFUCIUS AND SOCRATES Teaching Wisdom. For ordering information, please click here.

Kong Fu-zi (Kong the master, Latinized as Confucius) was born in the state of Lu in 551 BC and died in 479. Chinese culture already had a long history from the ancient sage emperors through the Xia Dynasty (2183-1752) to the Shang Dynasty (1751-1112) and into the Zhou Dynasty (1111-249).1 As the power of the feudal lords increased, they overthrew the king and established a new capital, marking the beginning of the Eastern Zhou period in 770 BC. During the nearly three centuries of the Spring and Autumn period until 481, the various states struggled against each other to expand their borders. The peripheral states faced and could civilize the exterior barbarians, while the smaller central states, which were more cultured, were liable to encroachment on all sides. Men of these cultured and vulnerable states began to develop philosophies of peace and happiness while the peripheral states often emphasized force and discipline.2 These conflicts continued after Confucius through the period of Warring States until China was unified and named by the forceful but short-lived Qin Dynasty (221-206 BC). During these continual conflicts treaties were sworn to before the spirits and quickly broken. Religion and ethics suffered when compared to the efficacy of force and might.3

Lu was a small, cultured state, constantly threatened by wars from its northern neighbor Qi. Within the state there were also struggles and political intrigues between the "three families" with the hereditary right to rule and among ministers and officials seeking more power. Assassinations, bribery, adultery, and other crimes were commonplace even though punishments were severe. In this feudal society, the aristocrats began to multiply until there were too many to be supported by the state in governmental positions without bankrupting the country. Therefore the lower aristocrats (shi) who were cultured and educated began to suffer poverty like the ignorant peasants.4 What could they do about it? Confucius was born as a shi in these circumstances.

As a member of an aristocratic family Confucius must have had opportunities to study the classical writings and to take up music and sports such as fishing and archery. That he practiced these as befitting a better person of principles is indicated by the statement, "Confucius fished, but not with a net; he shot, but not at a bird at rest."5 Confucius loved music, as can be seen by an incident at age thirty-six when he fled the current political chaos in Lu to go to the northern state of Qi. There he heard the music of the Succession Dance commemorating the inauguration of the legendary Emperor Shun. He exclaimed, "I did not picture to myself that any music existed which could reach such perfection as this," and for three months he did not know the taste of meat.6

However, he did have the opportunity to learn practical accomplishments which eluded the well-to-do aristocrat. "When I was young, I was in humble circumstances, and therefore I acquired much ability to do the simple things of humble folk. Does a better person need to have so much ability? One does not."7 Confucius said this in response to an inquiry from a great official who apparently doubted whether a man of low accomplishments could be a sage. The disciple Zigong replied that Heaven endowed his master so liberally that he was to become a sage even though he had practical ability. After the conversation with Confucius, his pupil Lao returned this answer to the official: "The Master said, 'I have not been given official employment, and therefore I acquired the ability for the simple arts.'"8 These experiences may have helped Confucius to develop a more practical wisdom useful to more people. However, practical experience alone is not enough to become wise; one must handle it correctly. Mencius described two of Confucius' jobs and the goals he sought in each.

Confucius was once keeper of stores, and he then said,
"It is only necessary that my accounts be correct."
He was once in charge of pastures, and said,
"It is my duty only to see that the oxen and sheep
are well-grown and strong."9

Confucius' humility and industriousness set a good example and gave him a deeper understanding of the common people.

In spite of his practical abilities and his reputation for wisdom, Confucius had difficulty finding a suitable position in government his whole life long even though he was ambitious for such an opportunity. He was willing to do any type of work as long as it was ethical, but if honest work was not available he was happy continuing his studies.

If any means of escaping poverty presented itself,
that did not involve doing wrong, I would adopt it,
even though employment were that
of the better person who holds the whip.
But as long as it is a question of illegitimate means,
I shall continue to pursue the quests that I love.10

He seemed to have occupied his time with learning from a very early age. Reflecting on his life shortly before his death, he said that at age fifteen he set his heart (mind) on learning.11 No teacher was mentioned as having any particular influence on him. He seemed to have been most impressed by the ancients described in the classics. When one of his disciples was asked where Confucius derived his learning, he mentioned the Way of the first Zhou kings Wen and Wu (c. 1111 BC), whose principles were still all around. He concluded, "From whom indeed did our Master not learn? But at the same time, what need had he of any fixed and regular teacher."12 As we shall see, part of Confucius' genius was to take any situation and make it of educational value. He strove diligently to learn, and the ancients had a peculiar fascination for him: "I am not one who was born with knowledge. I love the ancient teachings and earnestly seek them."13 By not claiming to know already, he exemplified the pursuit of wisdom.

There were few books at the time made of bamboo strips tied by cords, but Confucius apparently made a thorough study of the classics of history, poetry, rituals, and the oracle of changes. As often as he quoted from them, it is likely that he memorized most or all of the three hundred or so poems from the ancient days. He must have continued to study throughout his life, for he wished he could have more time to learn from the Book of Changes (Yi Jing): "Give me a few more years so that I can devote fifty years to study Change, and I may be free from great mistakes."14

Confucius' own family was rarely mentioned. Tradition indicates he became an orphan at an early age and that his older brother was a cripple. He married, and had a son and a daughter. He selected a husband for his daughter and also one for his brother's daughter.15 Because to his brother's condition, his duties fell upon Confucius. One of the few claims that he made was that he had served the Duke and his officers at the Court, and his father and elder brother at home; he did not neglect proper mourning, nor was he overcome by wine.16

After he had served the government in some minor positions, and in between his rare opportunities to give political advice, what did Confucius do? Apparently as his learning and wisdom increased, he began to attract students and disciples. He was probably supported mostly by his students, though he may have at times received some salary from the government. He said that he never refused to instruct anyone who brought him something, no matter how poor.17 Confucius was the first professional teacher that we know of in ancient China. Little is known about Confucius' role as a political advisor or of any of his students' activities until he was at least fifty years old. About this time that Confucius recognized his divine mission. When he looked back over his life's progression, he measured it in terms of his inner development rather than his outer positions or accomplishments.

At fifteen my mind was set on learning.
At thirty my character had been formed.
At forty I had no more perplexities.
At fifty I knew the Will of Heaven.
At sixty I was at ease with whatever I heard.
At seventy I could follow my heart's desire
without transgressing moral principles.18

Fifty must have been a turning point in Confucius' life. Shortly after that he was given a position in the government in which he was to be consulted on important decisions. However, one incident indicates that his advice was not really sought.19 Ironically several of his disciples were given key positions and advanced in the government. Ji Kang-zi, who became the head of the three families who ruled in Lu, was advised personally by Confucius for several years to promote good government.

Ji Kang-zi asked whether there were
any form of encouragement by which he could induce
the common people to be respectful and loyal.
Confucius said, "Approach them with dignity,
and they will respect you.
Show piety towards your parents
and kindness toward your children,
and they will be loyal to you.
Promote those who are worthy,
train those who are incompetent;
that is the best form of encouragement."20

We see here that Confucius advised setting a good example so that the people would follow. Certainly this advice would have little strength if Confucius himself was not living up to it. In fact, his recommendation to select officials based on ability and education represented a key change of emphasis in Chinese culture away from hereditary privilege. Confucius was indeed busy not only preparing himself but also training and educating those who came to him so that they might serve in a more enlightened government. At another time Ji Kang-zi asked Confucius whether his disciples Zilu, Zigong, and Ran Qiu would be the right sort of persons to be put into office. Confucius recommended each of them for their efficiency, understanding, and versatility respectively.21 Later all three of them held important positions in the Ji family.22

In his late fifties Confucius left the state of Lu to travel to other states in order to see if he could advise other rulers to put his principles into practice. Mencius wrote that he departed because the duke was not following his counsel; so he used a ceremonial impropriety toward him as a pretext for going.23 While in the state of Wei, Confucius had an interview with the infamous Nan-zi, a woman who had been involved in incest, adultery, and political intrigue.24 When one of his disciples Zilu, a strict moralist, appeared displeased, Confucius swore an oath, "Whatsoever I have done amiss, may Heaven avert it; may Heaven avert it!"25 Like Jesus, he was not afraid to talk with a sinner. When the Duke of Wei asked his advice on military strategy, Confucius replied that he had some knowledge of sacrificial vessels, but he had not studied warfare. The next day he left Wei to go to Chen.26

While he was traveling through Song, Huan Tui, the Song Minister of War, attempted to intercept and assassinate him.27 Confucius responded calmly, "Heaven produced the virtue that is in me. What do I have to fear from such a one as Huan Tui?"28 In spite of this incident Confucius still accepted Huan Tui's brother Sima Niu as one of his regular students, though Sima Niu did renounce his dastardly brother.29 Another student told him that the better person considers all people as brothers, demonstrating again the Confucian ideal of virtue rather than blood.30 Confucius was also trapped at Kuang, and for a time he thought that his favorite disciple Yen Hui was dead.31 By the time they got to Chen they were weak and short of supplies.32

In Chen he apparently did not get a chance to talk with the duke because they were embroiled in wars at the time but Confucius did have a brief interview with the Minister of Crime concerning propriety.33 Mencius wrote that the reason Confucius had a difficult time here was because neither the rulers nor the minister communicated with him.34 While in Chen, Confucius wanted to go back to Lu because he said the disciples there were becoming "headstrong and careless."35 Why did he travel from place to place? One disrespectful man asked him if it was not to show off that he was a clever talker; but Confucius denied it, saying he did not like obstinacy.36 In other words, instead of stubbornly trying to improve a ruler against his will, he preferred to move on. The only ruler who seemed to consider virtue as important was the Duke of She in the small state of Cai.37 Apparently Confucius did go to see him because they did converse briefly.38

During a civil war in Jin, Confucius was invited there by an officer, but Zilu was quick to point out that technically they were in rebellion and what people would say. Confucius decided not to go, but he lamented that he was "like the bitter gourd that is only fit to hang up, but not to eat."39 A similar offer came from the Bi castle when they were in revolt against the Ji family. Again Zilu registered his objection. Confucius must have rejected it even though he felt he "could make a 'Zhou in the east.'"40

Confucius went back to Wei, where he got the opportunity to advise the Minister Kong Yu, who was ruling for the young Duke at the time. This man listened to Confucius; for when asked why he was called "The Cultured," Confucius said, "Because he was diligent and so fond of learning that he was not ashamed to pick up knowledge even from his inferiors."41 However, Kong forced one of his nobles to divorce his wives and marry one of his daughters; when he kept on seeing a concubine, Kong was going to attack him. So he asked Confucius how to do it. Confucius told him not to; but when he went ahead with it, Confucius prepared his chariot to leave. When he apologized, Confucius was ready to change his mind; but then messengers from Lu arrived, inviting him to return to his own state.42 Finally at the age of sixty-seven he returned to Lu. However, even in his native state his advice was not regarded. Ji Kang-zi sent Ran Qiu, whom Confucius had taught, to inquire from the master his opinion about raising taxes. Confucius' position in favor of the people was obvious, and when Ran Qiu collected the increased taxes, Confucius declared that he was no disciple of his.43

On at least two occasions Confucius gave advice to Duke Ai during his last years at Lu. When asked how to gain the support of the common people, he recommended advancing the upright over the crooked.44 When the Duke of Qi was assassinated in 481 BC, Confucius fasted and bathed before going to court to advise Duke Ai to punish the usurper.45 However, the chiefs of the three families were unwilling to take action. The master must have been deeply disappointed in his old age that he never really had the opportunity to participate fully in government.

As far as taking trouble goes,
I do not think I compare badly with other people.
But as regards carrying out
the duties of a better person in actual life,
I have never yet had a chance to show what I could do.46

In addition to teaching, Confucius probably spent much of his last years working on some of the classics. One of them was the Book of Poetry: "It was only after my return from Wei to Lu that music was revised, Court songs and Ancestral Recitations being at last properly discriminated."47 Mencius gave him credit for completing the Spring and Autumn Annals which struck terror into "rebellious ministers and villainous sons,"48 presumably because of the subtle ethical interpretations. According to Mencius this was the work by which Confucius believed people would know him and condemn him.49 However, the book by this name which we have today is a rather dry year-by-year chronicle of events. The Yi Jing or Book of Changes also claims Confucius as having written one of the first commentaries to this ancient classic.50 There is much wisdom in this book comparable to the sayings of Confucius passed down by his disciples, but their authenticity as being directly from Confucius is a matter of speculation.

The last couple of years of the master's life must have been bitter ones considering the number of deaths among his close associates. First his son died, then his favorite disciple Yen Hui;51 the highest aristocrat among the disciples, Sima Niu, had a tragic death in 481, and in 480 Zilu was killed as he heroically tried to rescue his chief in Wei.52 Confucius seemed to face his own death calmly. Once when he was very ill, Zilu asked if he could pray for him, according to the Eulogies, to the spirits of the upper and lower worlds. The master responded, "My praying has been for a long time."53 Confucius outlived Zilu by about a year, and died at the age of seventy-two. The deeds of his life had been his prayer to Heaven.
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