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4、压码看电影学习法系列贴:(多语言入门)字母表汇总

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只看该作者 320 发表于: 2010-02-09
Turkic Runes
Quick Facts
TypeC&V Alphabet
GenealogyAramaic
LocationCentral Asia
Time8th to 9th Century CE
DirectionRight to Left (but also Top to Bottom)
One of the earliest recorded Turkic language is in the form of a script called "Turkic Runes", found in Russia's southern Siberia and the Xinjiang uygur Autonomous Region of China (a region not surprisingly also known as Chinese Turkestan) beginning at around the 8th century CE.
At first sight, the angular Turkic Runes evoke comparison with Futhark or Germanic Runes. However, Turkic Runes cannot be shown to relate to Futhark conclusively. The angular visual style of Turkic Runes is more likely a result of carving texts on hard surfaces rather than some kind of formal link with Futhark. Instead, it is far more likely that Turkic Runes is derived from the Sogdian script.
There are two slightly different forms of Turkic Runes, namely Orchon and Yenisei. They are named after the geographical location they are found. The following chart illustrates the Orchon variant.

And the following is the Yenisei variant.

Turkic Runes ceased to be used by the 9th century CE. Instead they started to use the Uighur (Uygur) script which was another offshoot of the Sogdian script.
级别: 管理员
只看该作者 321 发表于: 2010-02-09
Sogdian
Quick Facts
TypeAlphabetic
GenealogyProto-Sinaitic
LocationCentral Asia
Time3rd to 10th century CE
DirectionRight to Left
The Sogdian script was an offshoot of the Aramaic script adopted to write Sogdian, a Middle Iranian language related to Pahlavi (or Middle Persian). It was primarily used in the area around the ancient city of Samarkand, which roughly corresponds to the modern country of Uzbekistan, but a substantial corpus also comes from the oasis town of Turfan in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region in modern China where many Sogdians settled. Almost certainly this was where the Uighur adopted their script.
The following is the Sogdian alphabet.

Like many other Aramaic-derived scripts, each letter contains three forms, an initial form which is used at the beginning of a word, a final form which appears at the end of a word, and a medial form which is applied at the "inside" of a word.
The Sogdian script initially retained the right-to-left writing direction of Aramaic, but around the 8th century CE the orientation rotated 90 degrees in the counterclockwise direction, resulting in a script that is written in vertical column from top to bottom and columns are ordered from left to right. While it is possible that this occurred due to influence from Chinese, but it is just as likely that the change occurred independently.
级别: 管理员
只看该作者 322 发表于: 2010-02-09
Uighur
Quick Facts
TypeC&V Alphabet
GenealogyAramaic
LocationCentral Asia
Time8th to 17th Century CE
DirectionTop to Bottom
The Uighur alphabet was derived from the cursive Sogdian script, which ultimately traces back to Aramaic. However, unlike Sogdian and Aramaic, the Uighur script is written from top to bottom and in columns going from left to right, like Aramaic turned 90 degrees counterclockwise. In fact, even the letters themselves were rotated 90 degrees.
With a few exceptions, letters in Uighur have three variants depending on location within a word. At the beginning of a word, the letter can take on the initial form. At the end of a word, the final variant is used. And in all other places, the medial variant is employed.

The Uighur alphabet was adopted to write Mongolian in 12th century CE.
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只看该作者 323 发表于: 2010-02-09
Mesoamerican Writing Systems
Quick Facts
TypeVarious
GenealogyMesoamerican
LocationAmericas > Mesoamerica
Time900 BCE to 1697 CE
DirectionVariable
Extending from the deserts of northern Mexico to the dry tropical forests of northwestern Costa Rica, Mesoamerica is a geographically and ethnically diverse area that included thousands of cultures united by similarities in religion, art, language, and sociopolitical organization. Some of the familiar Mesoamerican cultures include the Aztecs, the Mayas, and the Olmecs, with lesser publicized groups such as Zapotecs, Teotihuacanos, Mixtecs, and Tarascans thrown in the mix.
Among one of the common cultural traits found in many Mesoamerican groups is writing. In fact, Mesoamerica is the only place in the Americas where indigenous writing systems were invented and used before European colonization. While the types of writing systems in Mesoamerica range from minimalist "picture-writing" to complex logophonetic systems capable to recording speech and literature, they all share some core features that make them visually and functionally distinct from other writing systems of the world.
Common Features of Mesoamerican Writing Systems
The most distinguishable feature of all Mesoamerican scripts is the highly intricate and pictorial form of signs. They are often called "hieroglyphic" in analogy to Egyptian hieroglyphs since their symbols are highly pictorial. For this reason, a sign from a Mesoamerican scripts is often called a "glyph", as a short form of "hieroglyph". Visually, Mesoamerican scripts resemble each other, and share many similar glyphs. This is primarily due to the fact that many Mesoamerican glyphs bear resemblance to real objects such as animals, people, natural features, etc, albeit in a stylized fashion. Often animals and humans appear as "portraits" in that only the heads of these creatures are drawn, but in few cases "full-body" glyphs are also used. Human body parts, especially arms and legs, are also used extensively to denote action, or verbs if used as grammatical structures. Other times glyphs appear as complex geometrical shapes like circles, rectangles, cross-hatches, etc.

As these examples show, Mesoamerican glyphs are more like paintings than Western alphabetic scripts. In fact, often the line between writing and visual art blurs. Glyphs or glyphic elements would appear, for example, inside the headdress of a ruler's portrait to denote his name, or conversely, the name of the ruler would be "written" by artistic representations of words that make up his name. The most "integrated" examples would be the Aztec and Mixtec manuscripts where names of places and people often are directly drawn into the pictures themselves. The writing of Teotihuacan is so integrated into their murals that it's only been recently that archaeologists have realized that there was a writing system in Teotihuacan.
Another feature found in all Mesoamerican writing systems is a common number system. At the basic level, all Mesoamerican scripts employ the bar-and-dot notation, where a dot represented a value of "one" and a bar represented "five".

In some cases, such as Mixtec and Aztec manuscripts, only dots are used, but on monumental Mixtec and Aztec inscriptions bars are used as well.
The bar-and-dot notation is used to write numbers less than twenty. For quantities larger than twenty, different methods are used by different systems. The Aztecs, for example, used special symbols such as a flag to represent 20, a feather to represent 400, and an incense bag for 8000. To construct the number 946, you would draw two feathers (2 x 400 = 800), seven flags (7 x 20 = 140), and six dots (6 x 1 = 6), the sum of which (800 + 140 + 6) is 946.

The Maya, on the other hand, had a more complex way of doing things. They also had a special sign for twenty in the form of a half moon, but to write larger numbers they used positional notation, just like our modern "Arabic" numbers. In a positional system, every digit is multiplied by some power of the base. So for example, in the modern decimal system digits can range from 0 to 9, and each digit is multiplied by a power of 10. Following this concept, the number 5209 can be expressed as a sum of numbers: 5209 = 5x103 + 2x102 + 0x101 + 9x100. In comparison, in a vigesimal system such as the Maya, "digits" can go from 0 to 19, and each "digit" is multiplied by a power of 20. However, each "digit" is actually a number in the bar-and-dot notation, plus a symbol for the quantity zero in the shape of a stylized conch shell. For example, the quantity 5209 would in fact be represented like so:

With such an expressive number system, it was no accident that time-keeping was also a very complex art in ancient Mesoamerica. Elaborate calendars were devised by different people, but at the core there are two interlocked time cycles kept by all Mesoamerican cultures. They are the 365-day solar calendar, and the 260-day sacred calendar. As its name implies, the 365-day calendar is based on the movements of the Earth around the Sun, and divided into 18 "months" of 20 days, with a 5-day period at the end that was considered dangerous and evil. On the other hand, the 260-day the sacred calendar does not correspond to any astronomical cycle, but, according to modern Quiché Maya day-keepers, represents the gestational period of the human fetus. Unlike the solar calendar, the sacred calendar has no concept of months, but instead consists of two parallel and interlocking cycles of days. The first cycle consists of 20 named "day signs", whereas the second cycle consists of 13 "day coefficients". A day is therefore identified by a sign and a coefficient. When the sacred calendar moves forward by a day, both the sign as well as the coefficient are advanced.
An example might be in order to better illustrate this interesting calendar. Let's say that our day signs are the first 20 letters in the English alphabet, namely A, B, C, D, and so on, until T, and our coefficients are from 1 to 13. If today is A-1, then tomorrow is B-2, followed by C-3, and so on and so forth. When we get to M-13, at which point we have depleted all coefficients, we turn the coefficients cycle back to 1, and therefore the day after M-13 is N-1. And when we have exhausted all day signs, on day T-7, we recycle the sign cycle back to A, so the day after T-7 is A-8. When both signs and coefficients have exhausted (so that A-1 reappears), 260 days have elapsed.
The interlocking cycles can be visualized in the following Flash animation:


























Interpolating these solar and sacred calendars, the Mesoamerican created a time cycle of 52 years, called the Calendar Round. This is the largest unit of time for most Mesoamerican cultures, and therefore historical events are often recorded in terms of dates within a Calendar Round.
There were other cycles that the Mesoamericans kept. One example is the trecena, which is cycles of thirteen days within the sacred calendar. The Maya also tracked the motion of the planet Venus across the night sky and computed a cycle of 584 days, which is the time it takes for Earth and Venus to line up with respect to the Sun.
The Maya and the Epi-Olmecs also used the largest cycle of time in Mesoamerica called the Long Count, a calendar consisting of 5 coefficients and capable of recording an exact date in a 5000-year cycle. The Long Count for both Maya and Epi-Olmecs started at what is equivalent to the year 3113 BCE, which is considered (at least by the Maya) as the beginning of the current creation. In the usual 5-coefficient system, the Long Count will end in 2012 CE, and many have claimed that this is "the end of the world" for the Maya. However, there is evidence that there are 19 coefficients in the Long Count, giving it more "time" than the estimated maximum age of the universe computed by astrophysicists!
Iconography - Precursors of Writing
Unlike other parts of the world, writing in Mesoamerica did not start as an accounting aid but instead had religious, political, and historical purposes. It marked those who possessed and leveraged the knowledge of writing as a group of higher social status than the common people, and therefore reinforced the ruling elite's claim to power.
One of the earliest complex urban cultures to appear in Mesoamerica were the Olmecs, whose villages and towns sprang up in the tropical, riverine regions of Mexico's Veracruz and Tabasco states. During the Early and Middle Pre-Classic periods (1500 to 300 BCE) in Mesoamerica, the Olmecs depicted their rulers on giant monuments in the shape of human heads. While the facial features on these colossal Olmec heads are generic and similar, they are far from anonymous. Each head wears a "helmet", which contains decorations that are different from one head to another. These decorations might represent some aspect of the ruler's identity, whether it is a name, a heraldic symbol, or a title. In essence, this might be an ancient form of name-tagging, found in many texts throughout Mesoamerica's history.

Olmec head 1, La Venta. Notice the pattern on his "helmet".
In addition, there was a highly elaborate and conventionalized system of symbols that appeared in the Pre-Classic throughout much of Mesoamerica. This means that symbols carved in, say, Oaxaca, could be interpreted by a knowledgeable person (maybe a chief or a shaman) in the Gulf Coast or in Morelos. While archaeologists once agreed this uniformity of symbols and icons as a product of Olmec influence (cultural, political, military, or any combination of these), now there is more of an opinion that the Olmecs were only one of the many advanced people during the Pre-Classic and thus many different cultures might have led to the development of this system of symbols.
Once a conventionalized set of symbols with specific meanings became established, juxtaposition of such could convey more complicated ideas. For instance, consider this:

Relief 1 of Chalcatzingo, depicting ruler sitting inside a caiman's mouth.
This relief conveys the idea that a person, most likely the ruler or chief, has access to natural powers such as clouds, rain, wind, and growth of plants. In essence, this carving indicates the ruler's right to rule because he, and nobody else, can control the fertility of crops.
While a rich number of icons formed parts of works of art, they tend to be isolated with respect to each other. This means that the order in which the icons are read do not matter. This started to change, though, on some small scale objects. The ceremonial celts started to move toward putting these symbols together to give a sequence of ideas.
For example, the Humboldt Celt, believed to have been carved at around 900 BCE, shows several groups of symbols likely worked together to convey some kind of a message. Interpretation by John Justeson indicates that the celt likely served as a formalized greeting from the ruler of one site to another, since the group that depicts two arms touching is a typical Mesoamerican gesture of greeting, and the group that depicts a hand casting corn represents a ceremony marking special occasions.

Many icons must have surely become glyphs in later writing systems, but so far only a few have been studied. You can read about one, called the Lazy-S symbol, from the paper called The Lazy-S: Formative Period Iconographic Loan to Maya Hieroglyphic Writing.
Earliest Writing?Maya and #a @epiolmec#. They share many common features, such as a full set of phonetic signs representing all possible sounds in the language, the use of the Long Count, and long text passages that more or less represent linguistic units (nouns, verbs, etc) and constructs (phrases, sentences, etc).
No doubt the first components of Mesoamerican writing systems to develop must have been the number system and the calendar. The earliest examples of writing among different Mesoamerican cultures already exhibit bar-and-dot numbers and sacred calendar dates. This suggests that these two might have developed long before writing
Because of the similarities among the various Mesoamerican scripts, there's long been a notion that there was a writing system, invented by the Olmecs, that predated all historically-attested scripts and was the progenitor of all subsequent scripts. However, what meager examples of this Olmec writing system exist solely in private collections and no examples have been found in archaeological contexts, thus cannot be securely dated and shown to be made during the florescence of the Olmec culture.
This situation changed with several recent discoveries. In 2002, archaeological excavations conducted by Mary Pohl at the Olmec site of San Andrés uncovered a cylindrical seal and two fragments of a green-stone plaque, both of which bear possible signs of a writing system. These items were archaeologically dated to approximately 650 BCE, making them some of the oldest examples of Mesoamerican writing.

Of interest is the cylindrical seal, as it has the drawing of a bird with a "funnel" emanating from its mouth and ending in a sequence of abstract symbols. The funnel likely represents the act of speaking, and so the symbols on the right might be what the bird is saying. Most of the sequence cannot be deciphered, but it is possible that the three dots and the "smiling face" sign might form a calendrical compound, interpreted by Pohl and colleagues as similar to the Maya day "3 Ahaw".
More impressively, in 2006, the Cascajal block came to the public's attention. The small stone tablet is inscribed with 62 signs, which while undeciphered, do bear significant similarity to known icons used frequently in Olmec art. In other words, the Cascajal block might very well be an example of the Olmec writing system.

The Cascajal block was discovered in a quarry which turned out to be an archaeological site, so its original archaeological context was disturbed. However, through examination of its surroundings and its iconography, it was concluded that it dates to between 1000 and 800 BCE. While not as securely dated as the San Andrés seal and potsherds, the Cascajal block is nevertheless considered to be the oldest text in Mesoamerica.
Because of the meager amount of inscriptions on the Cascajal block, it cannot be deciphered. Only through discovery of more texts in this writing system can a more thorough investigation begin, and hopefully lead to a better understanding of the oldest writing system in the New World.
Writing Systems
Beginning at the Late Preclassic, ample evidence of writing appeared in multiple places in Mesoamerica. The major systems at this time were Zapotec Epi-Olmec, and Maya. By the Classic (300 to 900 CE) and Post-Classic (900 to 1500 CE), several more systems appear, most likely inspired or derived from Zapotec. These are Teotihuacano, Ñuiñe, Xochicalco, Mixtec, Mixteca-Puebla, and Aztec. Even though writing was widespread in Mesoamerica and many cultures had their own scripts, it is generally accepted that all Mesoamerican writing systems can be divided into two groups: Southeastern and Oaxacan.
Southeastern Group
The Southeastern group is aptly named as it is situated in the southeastern part of Mesoamerica. This group consists of two scripts,
The Maya script is arguably the most enduring Mesoamerican writing system, lasting about nearly 2000 years from the Late Preclassic (300 BCE) to the fall of the last independent Maya kingdom (1697 CE). Its most distinctive feature is the squarish glyph blocks (that actually contain one to five different glyphs) and the double-column text layout (which results in a zigzagging reading order that starts on the top left, moves one block right, then down and left, and so on).

For more information on Maya writing, you can continue on to the Maya page.
In the Gulf Coast and highland Chiapas of Mexico, where the Olmecs had lived, another script of the Southeastern group also emerged during the late Preclassic. Called Epi-Olmec (meaning "after Olmec") on geographic and iconographic grounds, this writing system has been known for a long time but only has been studied within the last twenty years or so. The best example is the La Mojarra Stela 1:

Little is known about this writing system, as this system is currently in the early stages of decipherment. What one can say, though, is that it is definitely a logophonetic system, employing both phonetic and logographic signs, and represents an ancient language in the Mixe-Zoquean family. It also uses the Long Count to date important events, and assuming that the Epi-Olmec Long Count has a similar start date as the Maya Long Count, the range of Epi-Olmec Long Count dates range from the 1st century BCE to the 6th century CE, although it is likely that it began much earlier. You can visit the Epi-Olmec page for more detail.
Oaxacan Group
As its name implies, the Oaxacan group is centered near the southern Mexican state of Oaxaca. However, many Central Mexican writing systems are also classified under this group because they can be traced to the first Oaxacan writing system, the Zapotec script.
The notoriety of the earliest Mesoamerican writing system belongs to Zapotec. The earliest Zapotec monument comes from an ancient town called San José Mogote in the Valley of Oaxaca, and probably dates from 500 BCE. The monument is a slab of stone called a danzante that depicts a slain captive. What makes it the earliest written document is the set of two glyphs underneath the victim that is generally interpreted as the calendrical signs 1 Earthquake or Movement (Xoo) but might in fact be 1 Eye (Loo) according to Urcid 2001. You might find the meaning of the two signs strange, but in fact ancient Oaxacans were named for days in the Sacred Calendar. This means that the slab identified the slain victim, who was most likely the ruler of an enemy town.

The vast majority of Zapotec texts come from the city of Monte Albán, which was built around 500 BCE and served as the Zapotec capital for the next 1200 years. Texts from this great city served political functions by publicly depicting slain enemies, recording conquered territory, and commemorating important events like royal ascension and death.
The Zapotec script is still very poorly understood, as it has not been the frequent subject of Mesoamerican studies. Even the calendrical signs are still debatable. Recent studies appear to confirm the notion that the Zapotec script did indeed record language more thoroughly then later Aztec and Mixtec scripts. For more information, please visit my Zapotec page.
Similar to the Zapotec script but geographically located in a different part of Oaxaca is the Ñuiñe script. Whereas the Zapotecs inhabited the valleys, the people who used the Ñuiñe script lived on hilltops and were likely the ancestors of the Mixtecs (which we'll see later). Very little is known about the Ñuiñe other than the basic calendrical signs mostly due to a dearth of evidence.

Contemporaneous to the Monte Albán but on a much larger scale is the great city of Teotihuacan, the greatest urban center of Mesoamerica. At its height, it had as much as 125,000 people. However, no writing system similar to the Zapotec or Maya scripts has been detected in Teotihuacan. This has led many scholars to propose that Teotihuacan never had a writing system beyond the basic numbers and calendrical signs. However, recent discoveries have shed tantalizing clues on what might be a truly functional Teotihuacano writing system. In a recently excavated courtyard in the La Ventilla "barrio" of Teotihuacan, archaeologist Rubén Cabrera Castro discovered columns of glyphs painted on the floor. Further study by Karl Taube (Taube 2000) reveals a writing system whose glyphs have two very difference appearances, one resembling more the rectilinear and somewhat regularly-shaped glyphs of the neighboring Zapotecs and Mayas, and the other appearing fully integrated as "emblematic" elements in the city's murals. These emblematic glyphs were much more free-form and iconic, and much more similar to glyphs of the later Aztec and Mixtec scripts.

After the collapse of Teotihuacan in 750 CE, other cities in Central Mexico arose to take advantage of the power vacuum. The two most famous of these two cities, Xochicalco and Cacaxtla, both exhibit a strange hybrid of artistic and scribal traditions. The art of these cities are a mix of Maya, Teotihuacano, and Zapotec styles. Similarly, the writing system also exhibits both the squarish Zapotec calendrical glyphs as well as the more free-form emblematic Teotihuacano glyphs.
The Postclassic period in Mesoamerica (after 900 CE) saw the emergence of new nations into recorded history. Two of the most famous groups are the Mixtecs and Aztecs, both of which left behind a considerable corpus of manuscripts and to some lesser extent inscribed monuments. The Mixtec and Aztec scripts are actually very similar. In fact, it is thought that the Mixtec script evolved from the more ancient Zapotec script, and in turn engendered the Mixtec-Puebla and Central Mexican scripts (including Aztec).
Unlike the Zapotec script, the Mixtec and Aztec scripts do not appear in long texts. In fact, glyphs almost always appear in short compounds that denote calendrical dates, personal names, and place names. These short compounds are placed in context to conventionalized drawings, and together texts and images communicate one or more messages to the reader.

After the Spanish ConquestFoundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc.
The native writing systems of Mesoamerica came to an end at the hand of the Spanish conquerors. Considered the "devil's work", the Spanish forbade the use of the indigenous writing systems and destroyed most books and manuscripts, except in sanctioned works that recorded the history and culture of the people they've conquered in order to better control them. In these "ethnographic" works, Spanish explanations accompany the native texts, and it was not long before the native scribes adopted the Latin alphabet to write their own languages. Many Precolumbian religious and literary works were preserved in this manner, like the Quiché creation myth "Popul Vuh", Nahuatl poems attributed to king Nezahualcoyotl of Texcoco, religious texts such as the "Chilam Balam" of the Yucatec Maya, and many others. Maps and genealogies were also drawn as hybrid native-Spanish documents to record boundaries of towns and possessions of families, and many were used in courts to settle legal disputes.
In other words, even though the native writing systems were no longer in use, the Mesoamericans continued their ancient tradition of writing, just in a different manner. And like in pre-Conquest times, the scribes usually were men of higher social status, and often employed by either the Colonial government or the Church. However, as the Colonial period came to an end, the infrastructure that employed these native scribes also felt apart. The newly independent nations emphasized the identity of being "creole", meaning descendent of Spanish in the New World. This left no room for indigenous culture, and thus no interest in indigenous literature. It was not until the 20th century CE that native literature, and native culture in general, came into significant revival. Together with cultural renaissance was also a sense of political empowerment, the most visible of which was the award of the 1992 Nobel Prize to Rigoberta Menchú, a Quiché Maya woman activist.
The last note in native literary renaissance started in the mid 1990's when Maya intellectuals attended workshops set up by the late Mayanist Linda Schele to learn the ancient writing system of their ancestors. Even though still somewhat of an intellectual curiosity, the Mayas can again write in their own writing system, and are actively contributing to its continuing decipherment.
The story of Mesoamerican writing systems is complex and ever-evolving. Many mysteries are still yet to be solved. It is not only one of the most interesting fields of research but also can be an extremely absorbing hobby. I highly recommend dwelving deeper into it. Here are some links:
Related Links
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只看该作者 324 发表于: 2010-02-09
Timeline
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            Bengali [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
              Oriya [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
            Devanagari [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
              Gujarati [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
              Modi [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
          Landa [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
            Gurmukhi [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
          Takri [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
          Kashmiri [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
      Kadamba [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
        Old Kannada [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
          Kannada [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
          Telugu [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
      Grantha [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
        Sinhala [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
        Tamil [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
        Malayalam [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
      Kalinga [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
    Kharosthi [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
  South Asian Scripts Comparison [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
  Meithei Mayek [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
  Lepcha [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cc00.gif[/img]
[img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/tldivbar.gif[/img]
[img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/tldivbar.gif[/img]
Central Asia[img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/tldivbar1.gif[/img]
  Sogdian [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cccc.gif[/img]
  Tocharian [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cccc.gif[/img]
  Tibetan [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cccc.gif[/img]
  Turkic Runes [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cccc.gif[/img]
  Uighur [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cccc.gif[/img]
  Mongolian [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_00cccc.gif[/img]
[img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/tldivbar.gif[/img]
[img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/tldivbar.gif[/img]
East Asia[img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/tldivbar1.gif[/img]
  Chinese [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0099cc.gif[/img]
    Japanese [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0099cc.gif[/img]
    Nushu [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0099cc.gif[/img]
  Korean [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0099cc.gif[/img]
  Khitan [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0099cc.gif[/img]
  Jurchen [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0099cc.gif[/img]
  hPhags-pa [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0099cc.gif[/img]
  Naxi [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0099cc.gif[/img]
  Yi Scripts [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0099cc.gif[/img]
[img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/tldivbar.gif[/img]
[img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/tldivbar.gif[/img]
Southeast Asia[img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/tldivbar1.gif[/img]
  Kawi [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0000cc.gif[/img]
    Javanese [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0000cc.gif[/img]
    Mangyan [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0000cc.gif[/img]
    Tagalog [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0000cc.gif[/img]
    Buginese [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0000cc.gif[/img]
    Rejang [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0000cc.gif[/img]
  Burmese [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0000cc.gif[/img]
  Khmer [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0000cc.gif[/img]
  Thai [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_0000cc.gif[/img]
[img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/tldivbar.gif[/img]
[img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/tldivbar.gif[/img]
Americas[img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/tldivbar1.gif[/img]
  Mesoamerican Scripts [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_990099.gif[/img]
    Zapotec [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_990099.gif[/img]
    Maya [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_990099.gif[/img]
    Epi-Olmec [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_990099.gif[/img]
    Mixtec [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_990099.gif[/img]
    Aztec [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_990099.gif[/img]
  Cherokee [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/timeline_990099.gif[/img]
[img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/tldivbar.gif[/img]
 [img]http://www.ancientscripts.com/images/tlhdr2.gif[/img]

Copyright © 1996-2010, Lawrence Lo. All Rights Reserved
级别: 管理员
只看该作者 326 发表于: 2010-02-09
Phonetics
Sounds As you know, the English alphabet is far from being a regular and consistent system of representing all the sounds in English. For instance, think of the letter group ough. How many different way can it sound like:
WordRhymes with..
(in Standard American Dialect)
throughtrue
thoughgo
coughoff
thoughtnot
toughstuff

And as you can see, "ough" can produce a myriad of sounds seemingly randomly. In addition, these endings may rhyme different in other dialects of English as well. Therefore linguists cannot rely on such whimsical system to scientifically represent sounds in a language. The solution was the creation of symbols explicitly designed to represent all sounds that humans can produce. We call such systems "Phonetic Alphabets".
Unfortunately concensus is the last thing linguists have between them and consequently several systems exist. The most famous one is the International Phonetic Alphabet or IPA, but the American Phonetic Alphabet is also quite widespread. I have chosen to adhere to the American system in this page because that's what I've been taught in. If you are familiar with the IPA there shouldn't really be any problems once you understand corresponding equivalent symbols in the two systems.
The following are some of the signs of the American phonetic system. When used for transcription, sounds are put inside square brackets, ie [ ]. Related and similar sounds in a language often occur in complementary distribution, that is, each of these sounds appear only in unique situations. For example, in English, the "t" in "top" sounds different from that in "stop". However, the "t"-sound in "stop" (which is less powerful the the "t" in the beginning of a word) only occurs after a "s" sound, while the "t" in "top" occurs everywhere else, and therefore these two sounds are in complementary distribution. We call this set of sounds a phoneme, and write it between two slashes, ie / /.
Formally, /t/ becomes [t] after [s], and becomes [th] everywhere else. The superscript h means that the consonant before it is produced with a little more air.
Consonants:

Some important points:
  • V+ denoted "voiced", and V- is "voiceless". Voiceless and voiced simply mean that whether the vocal cords vibrate while making a sound. If you put your hand on your throat and alternate between saying "cod" and "god", you'll notice that "god" makes your vocal cord (or larynx) vibrates more. This is called voiced.
  • [p], [t], and [k] are unaspirated. For people who know Spanish well, they correspond to the sounds in 'pelo', 'té', and 'cosa'. Such sounds do not occur alone in English, but mostly after the consonant [s], such as in 'space'. Compare 'space' and 'pace', and you'll notice how the /p/ in 'pace' is stronger.
  • As just mentioned, the sounds /p/, /t/, and /k/ in English occuring at the beginning of the word is aspirated, meaning that more air is pushed out. In Linguistics they are transcribed as [ph], [th], and [kh]. You may think that is impossible to have aspirated /b/, /t/, and /g/, but Proto-Indo-European and Indic languages have them (like in the name of the great Indian epic Mahabharata).
  • The columns on the chart refer to points of articulation, that is, places in your mouth where sounds are produced. Bilabial means both of your lips come together, and the sound comes out there (you can feel the vibration between your lips if you try). Labio-dental between your upper lip touches your lower teeth. Inter-dental sounds are relatively rare in the world, and what you do is put your tongue between your two rows of teeth.
  • Apico-alveolar means putting the tip of your blade right behind your upper row of teeth. Apico-palatal sounds are also called Retroflex. They are pronounced like the Apico-aveolar except with your tongue curled back a little. The most common example for an American English speaker is the 'r' in "road". Retroflex /d/ and /t/ occur in Indian languages (both Indo-European and Dravidian).
  • Lamino-palatals are very much like apico-palatals but instead having the tip of your tongue as the highest point the blade, the part behind the tip, almost touches the roof of your mouth.
  • Dorso-velar, or just velar, sounds are produced between the back of your tongue and the back of your palate. Its cousin, Uvular makes your uvula vibrates, like Parisian French /r/.
  • Glottal simply means your larynx.
  • The categories that form the bold rows refer to the type of articulation. Stops are sounds that are maintained for a very short amount of time. You can't stretch no matter how hard you try. On the other hand, Fricatives can persists for forever. Compare between /t/ and /s/.
  • Sometimes you can merge stops and fricatives to get Affricates, which starts as a stop and turns into a fricative. The /ch/ in English "church" is just an example of an affricate. It starts as a /t/, and turns into a /sh/ sound.
  • Nasals are, well, nasal. They make your sinus vibrates.
  • I have no idea why Liquids are called liquids. The voiced apico-palatal liquid /r/ occurs in American English "red" and the voiced apico-alveolar liquid /l/ is like in English "lock", not "table".
  • The flap is the Spanish short /r/, ie in "toro". Also occurs in Italian, Japanese, and American English in the form of the /dd/ in "ladder" or /tt/ in "butter" said rapidly.
  • Semi-vowels are really vowels that appear as the less-powerful part of a diphthong. In other words, they are non-syllabic vowels.
Vowels:

Even though they look like English, don't be tempted to pronounce the symbols as if they were English letters. For instance, the symbol really sounds like the 'ee' in "reed". The symbol [e] doesn't sound like the 'e' in 'be', but more like French 'être'.
When you say a vowel, you unconsciously change your tongue and lip into an unique configuration characterized by three attributes:
  • Unrounded vs rounded. This feature applies to your lip. If you say as like "room", you'll notice that your lips forming a circle and you look like you're about to kiss someone. On the other hand, if you say as in "feet" your lips are straight. That's why before you take a picture in America you will tell the people you're about to capture on film to say "cheese", because makes the lips look like smiling.
  • High to low. You probably never noticed this, but when you say a vowel part of your tongue will raise toward the roof of your mouth while other parts will stay near the bottom. The height of your tongue's peak determines the vowel you say. The sound like in "feet" forces your tongue higher up than, say, the sound [a] as in "father".
  • Front, central, and back. This same peak that I just described above can also change in position in your mouth. When the peak is closest to your teeth, it is in front. Toward the throat is back. Between the two is, obviously, central. With , the peak of the tongue is a little bit behind your teeth, while with the peak of the tongue is at the back of your mouth, near where the hard palate changes to the soft palate. If you can't picture it, try feeling around with your finger.
  • Vowels can be long or short. A long vowel is denoted by a colon (:) after the vowel. The best example in English of long vs short can be found in cases like "sad" (long) and "sat" (short). Notice how the 'a' (phonetically [æ]) sounds longer in "sad" than in "sat". So, "sad" is transcribed as [sæ:d] while "sat" is [sæt].

In many languages of the world, tone plays an important role in distinguishing one morpheme from another.
Notice that tone isn't the same as stress or intonation. All of these involve changes in the pitch of the voice. Stress, sometimes also known as accent, is the rise and fall of the pitch throughout the syllables of a word. In English, there is usally a highest stress in a word, like "kéyboard" or "exáct", but also in some cases two stresses, one higher than the other, occur, like "singularity". Intonation is the rise and fall of the pitch throughout the words of a sentence. Notice how the statement "You are sick" sounds different from the question "You are sick?" In the statement, the words have more or less even pitches with respect to each other. On the other hand, the question's pitch peaks at the adjective "sick". Both contrasts with an interjection like "You are sick!", which places highest pitches on "You" and "sick".
Tone is somewhat like stress in that it also is the rise and fall of the pitch throughout a word. However, tone is used to distinguish words that have the same sounds which may have unrelated meanings, while stress is not. (Actually, in a few cases, stress does serve to distinguish different meanings or version of the same word, but never consistently as tone.)
Furthermore, the beginning pitch and the ending pitch of a tone is central to distinguishing words. Slightly different beginning or ending pitch means different words. On the other hand, the highest point in a stress can be any degree of pitch above the unstressed syllables. The difference doesn't matter as long as the stress rises above the other syllables.
There are several ways of representing tones in Romanization. Pinyin (for transcribing Mandarin) and Vietnamese uses diacritics. Some phonetic transcriptions use single digit numbers. So 1 in Cantonese is the high falling tone, 2 is the low falling tone, and so on. Neither system directly indicates the tone.
There are two other systems that do directly illustrate the tonal change. One uses a vertical bar to denote a scale, and horizontal or diagonal lines to represent the change in pitch.
The best system that I have seen is a two digit number, ranging from 1 to 5. The first (leftmost) digit is the starting pitch, and the second (rightmost) digit is the ending pitch. Together, it tells you which pitch to start and which to end.
Since I am a native speaker of Cantonese, I'll use its tonal system for demonstration. In traditional Cantonese, there are 9 basic tones, but in my dialect (Hong Kong) the high rising and low rising tones have become indistinguishable. Also, the high falling tone has become very similar to the high-level tone (which doesn't technically exist in Cantonese but can be found in Mandarin). I will try to reproduce all the distinguishing details in these tones, but don't take my pronunciation as canonical. The rest are relatively close to reality.
DescriptionExampleSounds
High falling [ma53] "mother"AU | WAV
Low falling[ma31] "sesame; hemp"AU | WAV
High rising[ma35] ???AU | WAV
Low rising[ma13] "horse"AU | WAV
Mid level[ma33] "question marker"AU | WAV
Low level[ma11] "to scold"AU | WAV
High short[pok55] "to hit" (quite onomatopeic)AU | WAV
Mid short[pok44] "to struggle (restlessly)"AU | WAV
Low short[pok22] "thin"AU | WAV

Tones
级别: 管理员
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Writing Systems
A writing system as a set of visible or tactile signs used to represent units of language in a systematic way. This simple explanation encompasses a large spectrum of writing systems with vastly different stylistic and structural characteristics spanning across the many regions of the globe.
 1of 6 
Writing provides a way of extending human memory by imprinting information into media less fickle than the human brain. However, many early philosophers, such as Plato, have branded writing as a detriment to the human intellect. They argued that it makes the brain lazy and decreases the capacity of memory. It is true that many non-writing cultures often pass long poems and proses from generation to generation without any change, and writing cultures can't seem to do that. But writing was a very useful invention for complex and high-population cultures. Writing was used for record keeping to correctly count agricultural products, for keeping the calendar to plant crops at the correct time. And writing was used for religious purpose (divination and communicating with the supernatural world) and socio-political functions (reinforcing the power of the ruling elite).
In past centuries, scientists had used writing as one of the "markers" of civilization. While it is true that writing systems appear to develop in agricultural and urban cultures, by no means it is a requirement for civilization.
Because writing is so intricate there has been many explanations concerning the origins of writing, from mythological to scientific. You can read more about them in the origins of writing section.
Writing systems differ structure, stylistically, familially, geographically, and so on. Here's the several ways I categorize them:
Types: Classification according to how the system works. Families: Classification according to "genetic" relations. Regions: Classification according to geographical regions. A to Z: Alphabetical listing of scripts, just for your convenience. The study of writing systems is a very broad field, and I cannot claim that this website will reveal every detail. Far from it, in fact. I think I only cover 10% of all writing systems of the world. There are many good books out there, and you can start in my Reference section.
级别: 管理员
只看该作者 328 发表于: 2010-02-09
Historical Linguistics
What ancient scripts ultimately capture is part or whole of a tongue spoken in antiquity. However, as you may have noticed, all human languages evolve over time. For instance, English poems written in Shakespeare's time don't rhyme correctly anymore, but a look at their archaic spelling indicates that they should rhyme.
As changes accrue over time, ancient texts become unintelligible if the knowledge of the language is lost. In some cases, the texts can be read, but cannot be understood. The best example of this is Etruscan, which is written in a script nearly identical to the Roman alphabet, so individual sounds and words can be isolated. However, since nobody knows what the words' meanings and the grammatical rules of Etruscan, the texts remain relatively obscure.
Alas, not all is lost. If ancient language had survived and evolved into later, "daughter", languages that can be understood, then it becomes possible to know something the "parent" language as well as the processes involved in the evolution. This study of language change through time is called historical linguistics.


Why Languages Change
Why do languages change? Well, there's been many theories about why languages change. This has intrigued people since time immemorial and it seems that almost everybody has an idea. One early example can be found in Bible in the form of the Tower of Babel, where God decided humans got a little too much hubris (oops...wrong mythology) and so made their lives miserable by giving everybody different languages.
As science became a more dominant force in society, scientific explanations to language change were proposed. Here's a few through the years:
Language Decay?
The 18th century view of language is one of decay and decadence. Their reasoning is that the old Indo-European languages like Sanskrit, Greek and Latin all have complex declension and conjugation schemes, where as the modern Indo-European languages have far fewer cases for declension and conjugation. This "loss" of declension and conjugation cases was a result of speakers of the language getting increasingly careless about their speech (read "lazy"), so the modern speakers are "decadent" as they have allowed the once complex language to decay into such a "simple" language.
Obviously, this "decadence" argument has one major flaw. Even though the number of declensions and conjugations has dwindled, other parts of speech such as particles and auxiliary verbs have evolved to take their place. Anything that can be expressed in the ancient tongue can still be expressed today. Ultimately, this theory is highly subjective, as it relies on personal opinions, not scientific facts, of what is "highly evolved" and what is "decadent". Therefore this is not science.
Side note here: Even though linguistics has moved beyond this 18th century theory of language decay, many self-appointed pundits are still using this excuse to stamp out dialectal variations throughout the world by justifying the dialects as "decadent". This is, of course, complete nonsense, as even the most weird sounding dialect has regular grammatical structure and works perfectly to express ideas as well as the standard language.
Natural Law?
The next theory, proposed by the Neogrammarians (Junggrammatiker) in the late 19th century, is one of natural process. The Neogrammarians stated that changes are automatic and mechanical, and therefore cannot be observed or controlled by the speakers of the language. They found that what sounds like a single "sound" to a human ear is actually a collection of very similar sounds. They call these similar sounds "low-level deviation" from an "idealized form". They argue that language change is simply a slow shift of the "idealized form" by small deviations.
The obvious problem here is that without some kind of reinforcement, the deviation might go back and forth and cancel out any change. Then the Neogrammarians patched this theory by adding reasons for reinforcing the deviation such as simplification of sounds, or children imperfectly learning the speech of their parents.
The simplification of sounds basically states that certain sounds are easier to pronounce than others, so the natural tendency of the speakers is to modify the hard-to-say sounds to easier ones. An example of this would be the proto-Romance word /camera/ "room" changing into early French /camra/. It is hard to say /m/ and /r/ one after another, so it was "simplified" by adding /b/ in between, to /cambra/ (hence leading to modern French "chambre"). A more recent example is the English word "nuclear", which many people pronounce as "nucular". The problem with this patch is that since not everything in a language is hard-to-pronounce (unless you're speaking Klingon), the process would only work for a small part of the language, and could not be responsible for a majority of sounds changes. Secondly, it is highly questionable to determine whether "nucular" or "nuclear" is easier to pronounce. You'll get different answers from different people. Simplification no doubt exists, but using it as a reason (not a symptom) of language change is too subjective to be scientific.
The next patch, that of children incorrectly learning the language of their parents, doesn't work either. Let's take an extreme case in the form of immigrants. What is observed is that children of immigrants almost always learn the language of their friends at school regardless of the parents' dialect or original language. (And yes, the children become multilingual, but that's another story...) In fact, children of British immigrants in the United States nearly always speak with one of the many regional American accents. So in this case, the parents' linguistic contribution becomes less important than the social group the child is in. Which leads to...
It's Social Bonding
The last theory advanced during this century is a social one, advocated by the American linguist William Labov. What he found was that at the beginning a small part of a population pronounces certain words that have, for example, the same vowel, differently than the rest of the population. This occurs naturally since humans don't all reproduce exactly the same sounds. However, at some later point in time, for some reason this difference in pronunciation starts to become a signal for social and cultural identity. Others of the population who wish to be identified with the group either consciously or (more likely) unknowingly adopt this difference, exaggerate it, and apply it to change the pronunciation of other words. If given enough time, the change ends up affecting all words that possess the same vowel, and so that this becomes a regular linguistic sound change.
We can argue that similar phenomena apply to the grammar and to the lexicon of languages. An interesting example is that of computer-related words creeping into standard American language, like "bug", "crash", "net", "email", etc. This would conform to the theory in that these words originally were used by a small group (i.e. computer scientists), but with the boom in the Internet everybody wants to become technology-savvy. And so these computer science words start to filter into the mainstream language. We are currently at the exaggeration phase, where people are coining weird terms like "cyberpad" and "dotcom" which not only drive me crazy but also didn't exist before in computer science.
To me the social theory of language change sounds much more plausible than other previous theories. Humans are, after all, social animals, and rarely we do things without a social factor.


Language Families
Indo-European
The most well known of all language families is the Indo-European, which comprises roughly 12 major groups and hundreds of languages. The major groups or subfamilies are Celtic, Italic (including Romance), Baltic, Slavic, Germanic, Anatolian, Greek, Indic, Iranian, Tocharian, Albanian, and Armenian. In addition, it appears that Baltic and Slavic should form a larger Balto-Slavic group, and Indic and Iranian should be placed in an Indo-Iranian group.
Here's small list of words common to most Indo-European languages:
 
GroupLanguageLexicon
"father""mother""brother""two""three""four""horse"
GermanicOld Englishfædermodorbroðortwathriefeowreeoh
ItalicLatinpatermaterfraterduostresquattuorequus
CelticOld Irishathairmathairbrathirdotriceathairech
HellenicGreekpatermeterphrater 1duostritetrahippos
IndicSanskritpitarmatarbhratardvatrayaschatvariasva
IranianAvestanpitarmatarbratardwatrayochatvaroaspa
SlavicRussianotechmatkabratdvatrichetyreloshaa (kon)
ArmenianArmenianhayr  erkuerek'cork' 
TocharianTocharian Bpacermacerprocerwitrais'tweryakwe
Proto-Indo-European*pəter*mater*bhrater*duwos*treyes*kwetores*ek'wos

Note:
1. Greek phrater means "clan member"
Sino-Tibetan
Another large language family is the Sino-Tibetan, including Sinitic (all forms of Chinese) on one main branch and Tibeto-Burman (Tibetan, Burmese, and thousands of others) on the other main branch.
In the following example tones are omitted so that I have less work to do :)  Also, note that I threw out Pinyin transliteration for Mandarin and used something of my own that also works for other dialects: /ś/ corresponds to voiceless palatal fricative (/x/ in Pinyin) much like /ch/ in German ich; /x/ is the voiceless velar fricative like /ch/ in Scottish loch; /ə/ is the central vowel schwa; /ʔ/ is the glottal stop; and /C/ means any stop consonant.
 
GroupLanguageLexicon
"I", "me""two""three""six""name""eye""blood"
SiniticMandarinwoersanliumingmuśie
SiniticYuengoyisaamlukmingmukhüt
SiniticWunguliãseloʔmingmoʔśiʔ
SiniticMiddle Chinesenguoñisamlyukmyengmukxwiet
SiniticOld ChinesenguoniyssəmC-rukmyengmyəkswi:t
TBTibetanngagñisgsumdrugmingmyakyi (1)
TBBurmesengahnatssumkhrokə-mañmigswiyh
TBKachinngaiñiməsumkruʔmyingmyiʔsai
TBLepchakanyisamta-rakmingmikvi

Uto-Aztecan
One of the most well studies language groups in the Americas is the Uto-Aztecan, or Yuto-Nahuan, family. It currently stretches from western and southwestern United States to El Salvador, although in the past it reached the northwestern parts of Costa Rica. The most famous language of this group is Nahuatl, the language of the Aztecs.
GroupLanguageLexicons
"I", "me""two""three""six""name""eye""blood"
NumicShoshone
TakicLuiseño
HopiHopi
TübatulabalTübatulabal
TaracahiticYaqui
TepimanTohono O'odham (Pima)
CoracholCora
AztecanNahuatl
Copyright © 1996-2010, Lawrence Lo. All Rights Reserved
级别: 管理员
只看该作者 329 发表于: 2010-02-09
Links
I must apologize for the "ancientness" of the links on this page. I've pruned out dead links, but I haven't surfed very much for new ones. Hopefully I will get some quality time to find good links to put on here.
Disclaimer: I, Lawrence Lo, the author of Ancient Scripts, do not hold any responsibility or creative control over the contents of the following sites. They solely express the opinions of their respective authors, not mine. They are provided as links because they may present information on writing systems. I do not verify the truthfulness of their contents. Any brief description or comment that I may attribute to these links are my own personal subjective opinions only, and therefore do not necessarily represent the actual content of the following sites nor reflect any reaction of the reader upon visiting them.
If you have any interesting sites or know of any please email their web addresses to me.
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Historical Linguistics
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