Sacred-Texts Taoism

《庄子·杂篇·列御寇第三十二》

　　列御寇之齐，中道而反，遇伯昏瞀人。伯昏瞀人曰：“奚方而反？ ”曰：“吾惊焉。”曰：“恶乎惊？”曰：“吾尝食于十浆而五浆先 馈。”伯昏瞀人曰：“若是则汝何为惊已？”曰：“夫内诚不解，形 谍成光，以外镇人心，使人轻乎贵老，而赍其所患。夫浆人特为食羹 之货，无多余之赢，其为利也薄，其为权也轻，而犹若是，而况于万 乘之主乎！身劳于国而知尽于事。彼将任我以事，而效我以功。吾是以惊。”伯昏瞀人曰：“善哉观乎！女处已，人将保汝矣！”无几何 而往，则户外之屦满矣。伯昏瞀人北面而立，敦杖蹙之乎颐。立有间 ，不言而出。宾者以告列子，列子提屦，囗（左“足”右“先”音ｘ ｉａｎ３）而走，暨于门，曰：“先生既来，曾不发药乎？”曰：“ 已矣，吾固告汝曰：人将保汝。果保汝矣！非汝能使人保汝，而汝不 能使人无保汝也，而焉用之感豫出异也。必且有感，摇而本性，又无 谓也。与汝游者，又莫汝告也。彼所小言，尽人毒也。莫觉莫悟，何 相孰也。巧者劳而知者忧，无能者无所求，饱食而敖游，囗（左“氵”右“凡”）若不系之舟，虚而敖游者也！

　　“郑人缓也，呻吟裘氏之地。祗三年而缓为儒。河润九里，泽及三 族，使其弟墨。儒墨相与辩，其父助翟。十年而缓自杀。其父梦之曰 ：‘使而子为墨者，予也，阖尝视其良？既为秋柏之实矣。’夫造物 者之报人也，不报其人而报其人之天，彼故使彼。夫人以己为有以异于人，以贱其亲。齐人之井饮者相囗（左“扌”右“卒”音ｚｕｏ２ ）也。故曰：今之世皆缓也。自是有德者以不知也，而况有道者乎！ 古者谓之遁天之刑。圣人安其所安，不安其所不安；众人安其所不安 ，不安其所安。

　　“庄子曰：‘知道易，勿言难。知而不言，所以之天也。知而言之，所以之人也。古之人，天而不人。’朱囗（左“氵”右“平”音ｐ ｅｎｇ１）漫学屠龙于支离益，单千金之家，三年技成而无所用其巧 。圣人以必不必，故无兵；众人以不必必之，故多兵。顺于兵，故行 有求。兵，恃之则亡。小夫之知，不离苞苴竿牍，敝精神乎蹇浅，而 欲兼济道物，太一形虚。若是者，迷惑于宇宙，形累不知太初。彼至 人者，归精神乎无始，而甘冥乎无何有之乡。水流乎无形，发泄乎太 清。悲哉乎！汝为知在毫毛而不知大宁。”

　　宋人有曹商者，为宋王使秦。其往也，得车数乘。王说之，益车百乘。反于宋，见庄子，曰：“夫处穷闾厄巷，困窘织屦，槁项黄馘者，商之所短也；一悟万乘之主而从车百乘者，商之所长也。”庄子曰：“秦王有病召医。破痈溃痤者得车一乘，舐痔者得车五乘，所治愈 下，得车愈多。子岂治其痔邪？何得车之多也？子行矣！”

　　鲁哀公问乎颜阖曰：“吾以仲尼为贞囗（“斡”字以“干”代“斗 ”），国其有瘳乎？”曰：“殆哉圾乎！仲尼方且饰羽而画，从事华 辞。以支为旨，忍性以视民，而不知不信。受乎心，宰乎神，夫何足 以上民！彼宜女与予颐与，误而可矣！今使民离实学伪，非所以视民也。为后世虑，不若休之。难治也！”施于人而不忘，非天布也，商 贾不齿。虽以事齿之，神者弗齿。为外刑者，金与木也；为内刑者，动与过也。宵人之离外刑者，金木讯之；离内刑者，阴阳食之。夫免 乎外内之刑者，唯真人能之。

　　孔子曰：“凡人心险于山川，难于知天。天犹有春秋冬夏旦暮之期，人者厚貌深情。故有貌愿而益，有长若不肖，有慎狷而达，有坚而 缦，有缓而悍。故其就义若渴者，其去义若热。故君子远使之而观其 忠，近使之而观其敬，烦使之而观其能，卒然问焉而观其知，急与之 期而观其信，委之以财而观其仁，告之以危而观其节，醉之以酒而观 其侧，杂之以处而观其色。九徵至，不肖人得矣。”

　　正考父一命而伛，再命而偻，三命而俯，循墙而走，孰敢不轨！如而夫者，一命而吕钜，再命而于车上舞，三命而名诸父。孰协唐许？ 贼莫大乎德有心而心有睫，及其有睫也而内视，内视而败矣！凶德有五，中德为首。何谓中德？中德也者，有以自好也而吡其所不为者也 。穷有八极，达有三必，形有六府。美、髯、长、大、壮、丽、勇、敢，八者俱过人也，因以是穷；缘循、偃仰、困畏，不若人三者俱 通达；知慧外通，勇动多怨，仁义多责，六者所以相刑也。达生之性 者傀，达于知者肖，达大命者随，达小命者遭。

　　人有见宋王者，锡车十乘。以其十乘骄稚庄子。庄子曰：“河上有 家贫恃纬萧而食者，其子没于渊，得千金之珠。其父谓其子曰：‘取 石来锻之！夫千金之珠，必在九重之渊而骊龙颔下。子能得珠者，必 遭其睡也。使骊龙而寐，子尚奚微之有哉！’今宋国之深，非直九重 之渊也；宋王之猛，非直骊龙也。子能得车者，必遭其睡也；使宋王 而寐，子为赍粉夫。”

　　或聘于庄子，庄子应其使曰：“子见夫牺牛乎？衣以文绣，食以刍叔。及其牵而入于大庙，虽欲为孤犊，其可得乎！”

　　庄子将死，弟子欲厚葬之。庄子曰：“吾以天地为棺椁，以日月为 连璧，星辰为珠玑，万物为赍送。吾葬具岂不备邪？何以加此！”弟 子曰：“吾恐乌鸢之食夫子也。”庄子曰：“在上为乌鸢食，在下为 蝼蚁食，夺彼与此，何其偏也。”以不平平，其平也不平；以不徵徵 ，其徵也不徵。明者唯为之使，神者徵之。夫明之不胜神也久矣，而 愚者恃其所见入于人，其功外也，不亦悲夫！



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BOOK XXXII.
PART III. SECTION X.
Lieh Yü-khâu 1.
1. Lieh Yü-khâu had started to go to Khî, but came back when he was half-way to it. He met Po-hwän Wû-zän 2, who said, 'Why have you come back?' His reply was, 'I was frightened.' 'What frightened you?' 'I went into ten soup-shops 3 to get a meal. and in five of them the soup was set before me before (I had paid for it) 4.' 'But what was there in that to frighten you?' (Lieh-dze) said, 'Though the inward and true purpose be not set forth, the body like a spy gives some bright display of it. And this outward demonstration overawes men's minds, and makes men on light grounds treat one as noble or as aged, from which evil to him will be produced. Now vendors of soup supply their commodity simply as a matter of business, and however much they may dispose of, their profit is but little,





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and their power is but slight; and yet they treated me as I have said:--how much more would the lord of ten thousand chariots do so! His body burdened with (the cares of his) kingdom, and his knowledge overtasked by its affairs, he would entrust those affairs to me, and exact from me the successful conduct (of its government). It was this which frightened me.' Po-hwän Wû-zän replied, 'Admirable perspicacity! But if you carry yourself as you do, men will flock to you for protection.'

Not long after, Po-hwän Wû-zän went (to visit Lieh-dze), and found the space outside his door full of shoes 1. There he stood with his face to the north, holding his staff upright, and leaning his chin on it till the skin was wrinkled. After standing so for some time, and without saying a word, he was going away, when the door-keeper 2 went in, and told Lieh-dze. The latter (immediately) took up his shoes, and ran barefoot after the visitor. When he overtook him at the (outer) gate, he said, 'Since you, Sir, have come, are you going away without giving me some medicine 3?' The other replied, 'It is of no use. I did tell you that men would flock to you, and they do indeed do so. It is not that you can cause men to flock to you, but you cannot keep them from not so coming;--of what use is (all my warning)? What influences them and makes them glad is the display of your extraordinary (qualities); but you must also be influenced




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in your turn, and your proper nature be shaken, and no warning can be addressed to you. Those who associate with you do not admonish you of this. The small words which they speak are poison to a man. You perceive it not; you understand it not;--how can you separate yourself from them?

'The clever toil on, and the wise are sad. Those who are without ability seek for nothing. They eat to the full, and wander idly about. They drift like a vessel loosed from its moorings, and aimlessly wander about 1.'

2. A man of Käng, called Hwan, learned 2 his books in the neighbourhood of Khiû-shih 3, and in no longer time than three years became a Confucian scholar, benefiting the three classes of his kindred 4 as the Ho extends its enriching influence for nine lî. He made his younger brother study (the principles of) Mo 5, and then they two--the scholar and the Mohist--disputed together (about their respective systems), and the father took the side of the younger 6. After ten years Hwan killed himself. (By and by) he appeared to his father in a dream, saying, 'It was I who made your son become a







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[paragraph continues] Mohist; why did you not recognise that good service 1? I am become (but) the fruit of a cypress in autumn 2.' But the Creator 3, in apportioning the awards of men, does not recompense them for their own doings, but recompenses them for the (use of the) Heavenly in them. It was thus that Hwan's brother was led to learn Mohism. When this Hwan thought that it was he who had made his brother different from what he would have been, and proceeded to despise his father, he was like the people of Khî, who, while they drank from a well, tried to keep one another from it. Hence it is said, 'Now-a-days all men are Hwans 4.' From this we perceive that those who possess the characteristics (of the Tâo) consider that they do not know them; how much more is it so with those who possess the Tâo itself! The ancients called such (as Hwan) 'men who had escaped the punishment of Heaven.'

3. The sagely man rests in what is his proper rest; he does not rest in what is not so;--the multitude of men rest in what is not their proper rest; they do not rest in their proper rest 5.

4. Kwang-dze said, To know the Tâo is easy; not to say (that you know it) is difficult. To know it and not to speak of it is the way to attain to the






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[paragraph continues] Heavenly; to know and to speak of it, is the way to show the Human. The ancients pursued the Heavenly (belonging to them), and not the Human.'

5. Kû Phing-man 1 learned how to slaughter the dragon 2 from Kih-lî Yî, expending (in doing so) all his wealth of a thousand ounces of silver. In three years he became perfect in the art, but he never exercised his skill.

6. The sage looks on what is deemed necessary as unnecessary, and therefore is not at war 3 (in himself). The mass of men deem what is unnecessary to be necessary, and therefore they are often at war (in themselves). Therefore those who pursue this method of (internal) war, resort to it in whatever they seek for. But reliance on such war leads to ruin.

7. The wisdom of the small man does not go beyond (the minutiae of) making presents and writing memoranda, wearying his spirits out in what is trivial and mean. But at the same time he wishes to aid in guiding to (the secret of) the Tâo and of (all) things in the incorporeity of the Grand Unity. In this way he goes all astray in regard to (the mysteries of) space and time. The fetters of embodied matter keep him from the knowledge of the Grand Beginning. (On the other hand), the perfect man directs the energy of his spirit to what was before the Beginning, and finds pleasure in the mysteriousness




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belonging to the region of nothingness. He is like the water which flows on without the obstruction of matter, and expands into the Grand Purity.

Alas for what you do, (O men)! You occupy yourselves with things trivial as a hair, and remain ignorant of the Grand Rest!

8. There was a man of Sung, called Zhâo Shang, who was sent by the king of Sung on a mission to Khin. On setting out, he had several carriages with him; and the king (of Khin) was so pleased with him that he gave him another hundred. When he returned to Sung, he saw Kwang-dze, and said to him, 'To live in a narrow lane of a poor mean hamlet, wearing sandals amid distress of poverty, with a weazen neck and yellow face 1;--that is what I should find it difficult to do. But as soon as I come to an understanding with the Lord of a myriad carriages, to find myself with a retinue of a hundred carriages,--that is wherein I excel.' Kwang-dze replied, 'When the king of Khän is ill, the doctor whom he calls to open an ulcer or squeeze a boil receives a carriage; and he who licks his piles receives five. The lower the service, the more are the carriages given. Did you, Sir, lick his piles? How else should you have got so many carriages? Begone!'

9. Duke Âi of Lû asked Yen Ho, saying, 'If I employ Kung-nî as the support of my government, will the evils of the state be thereby cured?' The


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reply was, '(Such a measure) would be perilous! It would be full of hazard! Kung-nî, moreover, will try to ornament a feather and paint it; in the conduct of affairs he uses flowery speeches. A (mere) branch is to him more admirable (than the root); he can bear to misrepresent their nature in instructing the people, and is not conscious of the unreality of his words. He receives (his inspiration) from his own mind, and rules his course from his own spirit:--what fitness has he to be set over the people? Is such a man suitable for you (as your minister)? Could you give to him the nourishment (of the people)? You would do so by mistake (but not on purpose, for a time, but not as a permanency). To make the people leave what is real, and learn what is hypocritical--that is not the proper thing to be shown to them; if you take thought for future ages, your better plan will be to give up (the idea of employing Confucius). What makes government difficult, is the dealing with men without forgetting yourself; this is not according to the example of Heaven in diffusing its benefits. Merchants and traffickers are not to be ranked (with administrative officers); if on an occasion you so rank them, the spirits (of the people) do not acquiesce in your doing so. The instruments of external punishment are made of metal and wood; those of internal punishment are agitation (of the mind) and (the sense of) transgression. When small men become subject to the external punishment, the (instruments of) metal and wood deal with them; when they become liable to the internal punishments, the Yin and Yang 1 consume


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them. It is only the true man who can escape both from the external and internal punishment.'

10. Confucius said, 'The minds of men are more difficult of approach than (the position defended by) mountains and rivers, and more difficult to know than Heaven itself. Heaven has its periods of spring and autumn, of winter and summer, and of morning and evening; but man's exterior is thickly veiled, and his feelings lie deep. Thus the demeanour of some is honest-like, and yet they go to excess (in what is mean); others are really gifted, and yet look to be without ability; some seem docile and impressible, but yet they have far-reaching schemes; others look firm, and yet may be twisted about; others look slow, and yet they are hasty. In this way those who hasten to do what is right as if they were thirsty will anon hurry away from it as if it were fire. Hence the superior man looks at them when employed at a distance to test their fidelity, and when employed near at hand to test their reverence. By employing them on difficult services, he tests their ability; by questioning them suddenly, he tests their knowledge; by appointing them a fixed time, he tests their good faith; by entrusting them with wealth, he tests their benevolence; by telling them of danger, he tests their self-command in emergencies; by making them drunk, he tests their tendencies 1; by placing them in a variety of society, he tests their chastity:--by these nine tests the inferior man is discovered.'

11. When Khâo-fû, the Correct 2, received the first



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grade of official rank, he walked with head bowed down; on receiving the second, with bent back; on receiving the third, with body stooping, he ran and hurried along the wall:--who would presume not to take him as a model? But one of those ordinary men, on receiving his first appointment, goes along with a haughty stride; on receiving his second, he looks quite elated in his chariot; and on receiving the third, he calls his uncles by their personal names;--how very different from Hsü (Yû) in the time (of Yâo of) Thang!

Of all things that injure (men) there is none greater than the practising of virtue with the purpose of the mind, till the mind becomes supercilious. When it becomes so, the mind (only) looks inwards (on itself), and such looking into itself leads to its ruin. This evil quality has five forms, and the chief of them is that which is the central. What do we mean by the central quality? It is that which appears in a man's loving (only) his own views, and reviling whatever he does not do (himself).

Limiting (men's advance), there are eight extreme conditions; securing (that advance), there are three things necessary; and the person has its six repositories. Elegance; a (fine) beard; tallness; size; strength; beauty; bravery; daring; and in all these excelling others:--(these are the eight extreme conditions) by which advance is limited. Depending on and copying others; stooping in order to rise; and being straitened by the fear of not equalling others:--

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these are the three things that lead to advancing. Knowledge seeking to reach to all that is external; bold movement producing many resentments; benevolence and righteousness leading to many requisitions; understanding the phenomena of life in an extraordinary degree; understanding all knowledge so as to possess an approach to it; understanding the great condition appointed for him, and following it, and the smaller conditions, and meeting them as they occur:--(these are the six repositories of the person) 1.

12. There was a man who, having had an interview with the king of Sung, and been presented by him with ten carriages, showed them boastfully to Kwang-dze, as if the latter had been a boy. Kwang-dze said to him, 'Near the Ho there was a poor man who supported his family by weaving rushes (to form screens). His son, when diving in a deep pool, found a pearl worth a thousand ounces of silver. The father said, "Bring a stone, and break it in pieces. A pearl of this value must have been in a pool nine khung deep 2, and under the chin of the Black Dragon. That you were able to get it must have been owing to your finding him asleep. Let him awake, and the consequences to you will not be small!" Now the kingdom of Sung is deeper than any pool of nine khung, and its king is fiercer than the Black Dragon. That you were able to get the



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chariots must have been owing to your finding him asleep. Let him awake, and you will be ground to powder 1.'

13. Some (ruler) having sent a message of invitation to him, Kwang-sze replied to the messenger, 'Have you seen, Sir, a sacrificial ox? It is robed with ornamental embroidery, and feasted on fresh grass and beans. But when it is led into the grand ancestral temple, though it wished to be (again) a solitary calf, would that be possible for it 2?

14. When Kwang-dze was about to die, his disciples signified their wish to give him a grand burial. 'I shall have heaven and earth,' said he, 'for my coffin and its shell; the sun and moon for my two round symbols of jade; the stars and constellations for my pearls and jewels; and all things assisting as the mourners. Will not the provisions for my burial be complete? What could you add to them?' The disciples replied, 'We are afraid that the crows and kites will eat our master.' Kwang-dze rejoined, 'Above, the crows and kites will eat me; below, the mole-crickets and ants will eat me:--to take from those and give to these would only show your partiality 3.'

The attempt, with what is not even, to produce what is even will only produce an uneven result; the attempt, with what is uncertain, to make the uncertain certain will leave the uncertainty as it




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was. He who uses only the sight of his eyes is acted on by what he sees; it is the (intuition of the) spirit, that gives the assurance of certainty. That the sight of the eyes is not equal to that intuition of the spirit is a thing long acknowledged. And yet stupid people rely on what they see, and will have it to be the sentiment of all men;--all their success being with what is external:--is it not sad?


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Footnotes
202:1 See vol. xxxix, pp. 160-162.

202:2 The same teacher, no doubt, who is mentioned in II, par. 2, and XXI, par. 2, though the Wû in Wû-zän is here , and there .

202:3 Like the tea and congee shanties, I suppose, which a traveller in China finds still on the road-side.

202:4 The meaning is not plain. There must have been something in the respect and generosity of the attendants which made Lieh-dze feel that his manner was inconsistent with his profession of Tâoism.

203:1 See the Lî Kî (vol. xxvii, pp. 70, 71). It is still the custom in Japan for visitors to leave their shoes outside, in order not to soil the mats.

203:2 Whose business it was to receive and announce the guests.

203:3 Good advice.

204:1 Was this then Wû-zän's idea of how the Tâoist should carry himself? From 'those who associate with you' Wû-zän's address might be rhymed.

204:2 Read them aloud, and so committed them to memory;--as Chinese schoolboys do still.

204:3 The name of a place, or, perhaps, of Hwan's schoolmaster.

204:4 Probably, the kindred of his father, mother, and wife;--through his getting office as a scholar.

204:5 Or Mih Tî;--Mencius's heresiarch.

204:6 Literally, 'of Tî,' as if that had been the name of the younger brother, as it was that of the heresiarch.

205:1 The character for this in the text ( ) is explained as meaning 'a grave,' with special reference to this passage, in the Khang-hsî dictionary.

205:2 The idea of a grave is suggested by the 'cypress,' and we need not try to find it in .

205:3 The creator was, in Kwang-dze's mind, the Tâo.

205:4 Arrogating to themselves what was the work of the Tâo.

205:5 The best editions make this sentence a paragraph by itself.

206:1 These are names fashioned by our author.

206:2 'Slaughtering the dragon' means 'learning the Tâo,' by expending or putting away all doing and knowledge, till one comes to the perfect state of knowing the Tâo and not speaking of it.

206:3 Being 'at war' here is not the conflict of arms, but of joy, anger, and desire in one's breast. See Ziâo Hung in loc.

207:1 The character for 'face' generally means 'ears;' but the Khang-hsî dictionary, with special reference to this paragraph, explains it by 'face.'--The whole paragraph is smart and bitter, but Lin Hsî-kung thinks it too coarse to be from Kwang-dze's pencil.

208:1 Compare the use of 'the Yin and the Yang' in XXIII, par. 8.--Yen Ho does not flatter Confucius in his description of him.

209:1 Is this equivalent to the adage 'In vino veritas?'

209:2 A famous ancestor of Confucius in the eighth century B.C., p. 210 before the Khung family fled from Sung. See the account of him, with some verbal alterations, in the Zo Khwan, under the seventh year of duke Kâo.

211:1 These eight words are supplied to complete the structure of the paragraph; but I cannot well say what they mean, nor in what way the predicates in the six clauses that precede can be called 'the stores, or repositories of the body or person.'

211:2 = in a pool deeper than any nine pools. Compare the expression .

212:1 Compare paragraph 8. But Lin again denies the genuineness of this.

212:2 Compare XVII, par. 11.

212:3 We do not know whether Kwang-dze was buried according to his own ideal or not. In the concluding sentences we have a strange descent from the grandiloquence of what precedes.



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Next: Book XXXIII. Thien Hsiâ


【译文】
列御寇到齐国去，半路上又折了回来，遇上伯昏瞀人。伯昏瞀人问道：“什么事情使你又折了回来？”列御寇说：“我感到惊惶不安。”伯昏瞀人又问：“什么原因使你惊惶不安？”列御寇说：“我曾在十家卖饮料的店子里饮用，却有五家事先就给我送来。”伯昏瞀人说：“像这样的事，你怎么会惊惶不安呢？”列御寇说：“内心至诚却又未能从流俗中解脱出来，外部身形就会有所宣泄而呈现出神采；用外在的东西镇服人心，对自己的尊重胜过尊重年老的人，必然会招致祸患。那卖饮料的人只不过是为了卖掉饮用的羹汤，没有多少赢利，他们获利是很微薄的，他们预先送来饮料时的内心打算也是微不足道的，可是还如此地对待我，何况那大国的国君呢？国君亲身操劳于国家而才智耗尽于政事，他们定会把重任托付给我并检验我的功绩。我正因为这个缘故才惊惶不已。”伯昏瞀人说：“你的观察与分析实在是好啊！你安处自身吧，人们一定会归附于你了！”
没有多久伯昏瞀人前去看望列御寇，看见门外摆满了鞋子。伯昏瞀人面朝北方站着，竖着拐杖撑住下巴。站了一会儿，一句话也没说就走出去了。接待宾客的人员告诉了列御寇，列御寇提着鞋子，光着脚就跑了出来，赶到门口，说：“先生已经来了，竟不说一句批评指教的话吗？”伯昏瞀人说：“算了算了，我本来就告诉你说人们将会归附于你，果真都在归附你了。当初我曾责备过你让人们归附于你，而你却始终不能做到让人们不归附于你。你何必用显迹于外的做法让人感动而预先就表现得与众不同呢！必定是内心有所感动方才会动摇你的本性哩，而你又无可奈何。跟你交游的人又没有谁能提醒告诫你，他们的细巧迷惑的言辞，全是毒害人的；没有谁觉醒没有谁省悟，怎么能彼此相互审视详察！灵巧的人多劳累而聪慧的人多忧患，没有能耐的人也就没有什么追求，填饱肚子就自由自在地遨游，像没有缆索飘忽在水中的船只一样，这才是心境虚无而自由遨游的人。”


郑国有个名叫缓的人在裘氏地方吟咏诵读，只用了三年就成了儒生，像河水滋润沿岸的土地一样润泽着广远的地方，他的恩惠还施及三族，并且使他的弟弟成为墨家的学人。儒家、墨家不能相容而相互争辩，缓的父亲则站在墨家一边。过了十年缓愤而自杀，他的父亲梦见他说：“让你的儿子成为墨家，还是我的功劳。怎么不看看我的坟墓，我已变成秋天的柏树而结出了果实！”造物者所给予人们的，不会赋予人的才智和能力而是赋予人们的自然本性。缓的弟弟具备了墨家的禀赋因而能使他成为墨家学人。缓总认为自己有什么与众不同的地方才这样轻侮他的父亲，就跟齐人自以为挖井有功而与饮水的人抓扯扭打一样，看来如今社会上的人差不多都是像缓这样贪天之功以为己有的人。自以为生活中总是这样，有德行的人却并不知道这样的情况，更何况是有道的人啊！古时候人们称这种贪天之功的做法是违背自然规律而受到刑戮。
圣哲的人安于自然，却不适应人为的摆布；普通人习惯于人为的摆布，却不安于自然。
庄子说：“了解道容易，不去谈论却很困难。了解了道却不妄加谈论，这是通往自然的境界；了解了道却信口谈论，这是走向人为的尘世。古时候的人，体察自然而不追求人为。”
朱泙漫向支离益学习屠龙的技术，耗尽了千金的家产，三年后学成技术却没有什么机会可以施展这样的技巧。
圣哲的人对于必然的事物不与人持拗固执，所以总是没有争论；普通人却把非必然的东西看作必然，因而总是争论不休。曲从于纷争，总是因为一举一动都有所追求，纷争，依仗于它到头来只会自取灭亡。
世俗人的聪明作法，离不开赠与酬答，在浅薄的事情上耗费精神，一心想着兼济天下疏导万物，满以为这就可以达到混沌初开、物我相融的境界。像这样的人，早已被浩瀚的宇宙所迷惑，身形劳苦拘累却并不了解混沌初始的真谛。那些道德修养极高的人，让精神回归到鸿蒙初开的原始状态，甘愿休眠在没有任何有形事物的世界。像水流一样随顺无形，自然而然地流淌在清虚空寂的境域。可悲啊！世俗人把心思用在毫毛琐事上，却一点也不懂得宁静、自然和无为。


宋国有个叫做曹商的人，为宋王出使秦国。他前往秦国的时候，得到宋王赠与的数辆车子；秦王十分高兴，又加赐车辆一百乘。曹商回到宋国，见了庄子说：“身居偏僻狭窄的里巷，贫困到自己的编织麻鞋，脖颈干瘪面色饥黄，这是我不如别人的地方；一旦有机会使大国的国君省悟而随从的车辆达到百乘之多，这又是我超过他人之处。”庄子说：“听说秦王有病召请属下的医生，破出脓疮溃散疖子的人可获得车辆一乘，舔治痔疮的人可获得车辆五乘，凡是疗治的部位越是低下，所能获得的车辆就越多。你难道给秦王舔过痔疮吗，怎么获奖的车辆如此之多呢？你走开吧！”
鲁哀公向颜阖问道：“我想把仲尼任命为大臣，国家有希望了吧？”颜阖说：“危险了，实在是危险啊！仲尼正一心想着粉饰装扮，追求和讲习虚伪的言辞，把枝节看作是要旨，扭曲心性以夸示于民众却不知道全无一点诚信；让这样的做法承受于内心，并主宰着精神，怎么能够管理好人民！仲尼果真适合于你吗，还是他真的能够养育人民呢？你的考虑错误无疑了。现今让人民背离真情学习伪诈，这不是用来导引民众的办法，为后世子孙着想，不如早早放弃上述打算。孔丘是很难治理好国家的。”
施与别人恩惠却总忘不了让人回报，远不是自然对普天之下广泛而无私的赐予。施恩图报的行为商人都瞧不起，即使有什么事情必须与他交往，内心也是瞧不起的。
施加皮肉之刑的，不外乎是金属或木质的刑具；给内心世界带来惩罚的，则是自身的烦乱和行动的过失。小人受到皮肉之刑，是用刑具加以拷问；小人内心受到惩罚，则是阴气阳气郁积所造成的侵害。能够免于内外刑辱的，只有真人才可做到。


孔子说：“人心比山川还要险恶，比预测天象还要困难；自然界尚有春夏秋冬和早晚变化的一定周期，可是人却面容复杂多变情感深深潜藏。有的人貌似老实却内心骄溢，有的人貌似长者却心术不正，有的人外表拘谨内心急躁却通达事理，有的人外表坚韧却懈怠涣散，有的人表面舒缓而内心却很强悍。所以人们趋赴仁义犹如口干舌燥思饮泉水，而他们抛弃仁义也像是逃离炽热避开烈焰。因此君子总是让人远离自己任职而观察他们是否忠诚，让人就近办事而观察他们是否恭敬，让人处理纷乱事务观察他们是否有能力，对人突然提问观察他们是否有心智，交给期限紧迫的任务观察他们是否守信用，把财物托付给他们观察是否清廉，把危难告诉给他们观察是否持守节操，用醉酒的方式观察他们的仪态，用男女杂处的办法观察他们对待女色的态度。上述九种表现一一得到证验，不好的人也就自然挑捡出来。”
正考父首次被任命为士便逢人躬着背，再次任命为大夫便深深地弯着腰，第三次任命为卿更谦恭地俯下身子，总是让开大道顺着墙根快步急走，态度如此谦下谁还敢干出不轨之事！如果是凡夫俗子，首次任命为士就会傲慢矜持，再次任命为大夫就会在车上手舞足蹈，第三次任命为卿就要人呼叔称伯了，像这样谁还会成为唐尧、许由那样谦让的人呢？
最大的祸害莫过于有意培养德行而且有心眼，等到有了心眼就会以意度事主观臆断，而主观臆断必定导致失败。招惹凶祸的官能有心、耳、眼、舌、鼻五种，内心的谋虑则是祸害之首。什么叫做内心谋虑的祸害呢？所谓内心谋虑的祸害，是指自以为是而诋毁自己所不赞同的事情。
困厄窘迫源于以下八个方面的自恃与矜持，顺利通达基于以下三种情况的必然发展，就像身形必具六个脏腑一样。貌美、须长、高大、魁梧、健壮、艳丽、勇武、果敢，八项长处远远胜过他人，于是依恃傲人必然导致困厄窘迫。因循顺应、俯仰随人、困厄怯弱而又态度谦下，三种情况都能遇事通达。自恃聪明炫耀于外，勇猛躁动必多怨恨，倡导仁义必多责难。通晓生命实情的人心胸开阔，通晓真知的人内心虚空豁达，通晓长寿之道的人随顺自然，通晓寿命短暂之理的人也能随遇而安。


有个拜会过宋王的人，宋王赐给他车马十乘，依仗这些车马在庄子面前炫耀。庄子说：“河上有一个家庭贫穷靠编织苇席为生的人家，他的儿子潜入深渊，得到一枚价值千金的宝珠，父亲对儿子说：‘拿过石块来锤坏这颗宝珠！价值千金的宝珠，必定出自深深的潭底黑龙的下巴下面，你能轻易地获得这样的宝珠，一定是正赶上黑龙睡着了。倘若黑龙醒过来，你还想活着回来吗？’如今宋国的险恶，远不只是深深的潭底；而宋王的凶残，也远不只是黑龙那样。你能从宋王那里获得十乘车马，也一定是遇上宋王睡着了。倘若宋王一旦醒过来，你也就必将粉身碎骨了”。
有人向庄子行聘。庄子答复他的使者说：“你见过那准备用作祭祀的牛牲吗？用织有花纹的锦绣披着，给它吃草料和豆子，等到牵着进入太庙杀掉用于祭祀，就是想要做个没人看顾的小牛，难道还可能吗？”
庄子快要死了，弟子们打算用很多的东西作为陪葬。庄子说：“我把天地当作棺槨，把日月当作连璧，把星辰当作珠玑，万物都可以成为我的陪葬。我陪葬的东西难道还不完备吗？哪里用得着再加上这些东西！”弟子说：“我们担忧乌鸦和老鹰啄食先生的遗体。”庄子说：“弃尸地面将会被乌鸦和老鹰吃掉，深埋地下将会被蚂蚁吃掉，夺过乌鸦老鹰的吃食再交给蚂蚁，怎么如此偏心！”
用偏见去追求均平，这样的均平绝对不是自然的均平；用人为的感应去应验外物，这样的应验绝不是自然的感应。自以为明智的人只会被外物所驱使，精神世界完全超脱于物外的人才会自然地感应。自以为明智的人早就比不上精神世界完全超脱的人，可是愚昧的人还总是自恃偏见而沉溺于世俗和人事，他们的功利只在于追求身外之物，这不很可悲吗！

《庄子·杂篇·天下第三十三》

　　天下之治方术者多矣，皆以其有为不可加矣！古之所谓道术者，果 恶乎在？曰：“无乎不在。”曰∶“神何由降？明何由出？”“圣有所生，王有所成，皆原于一。”不离于宗，谓之天人；不离于精，谓 之神人；不离于真，谓之至人。以天为宗，以德为本，以道为门，兆 于变化，谓之圣人；以仁为恩，以义为理，以礼为行，以乐为和，熏 然慈仁，谓之君子；以法为分，以名为表，以参为验，以稽为决，其 数一二三四是也，百官以此相齿；以事为常，以衣食为主，蕃息畜藏 ，老弱孤寡为意，皆有以养，民之理也。古之人其备乎！配神明，醇 天地，育万物，和天下，泽及百姓，明于本数，系于末度，六通四辟 ，小大精粗，其运无乎不在。其明而在数度者，旧法、世传之史尚多 有之；其在于《诗》、《书》、《礼》、《乐》者，邹鲁之士、缙绅 先生多能明之。《诗》以道志，《书》以道事，《礼》以道行，《乐 》以道和，《易》以道阴阳，《春秋》以道名分。其数散于天下而设 于中国者，百家之学时或称而道之。

　　天下大乱，贤圣不明，道德不一。天下多得一察焉以自好。譬如耳 目鼻口，皆有所明，不能相通。犹百家众技也，皆有所长，时有所用 。虽然，不该不遍，一曲之士也。判天地之美，析万物之理，察古人之全。寡能备于天地之美，称神明之容。是故内圣外王之道，暗而不 明，郁而不发，天下之人各为其所欲焉以自为方。悲夫！百家往而不 反，必不合矣！后世之学者，不幸不见天地之纯，古人之大体。道术 将为天下裂。

　　不侈于后世，不靡于万物，不晖于数度，以绳墨自矫，而备世之急 。古之道术有在于是者，墨翟、禽滑厘闻其风而说之。为之大过，已 之大顺。作为《非乐》，命之曰《节用》。生不歌，死无服。墨子泛爱兼利而非斗，其道不怒。又好学而博，不异，不与先王同，毁古之 礼乐。黄帝有《咸池》，尧有《大章》，舜有《大韶》，禹有《大夏 》，汤有《大囗》（“镬”字以“氵”代“金”），文王有辟雍之乐 ，武王、周公作《武》。古之丧礼，贵贱有仪，上下有等。天子棺椁 七重，诸侯五重，大夫三重，士再重。今墨子独生不歌，死不服，桐 棺三寸而无椁，以为法式。以此教人，恐不爱人；以此自行，固不爱 己。未败墨子道。虽然，歌而非歌，哭而非哭，乐而非乐，是果类乎 ？其生也勤，其死也薄，其道大囗（“款”字以“角”代“示”以“ 殳”代“欠”音ｑｕｅ４）。使人忧，使人悲，其行难为也。恐其不 可以为圣人之道，反天下之心。天下不堪。墨子虽独能任，奈天下何 ！离于天下，其去王也远矣！墨子称道曰：“昔禹之湮洪水，决江河 而通四夷九州也。名山三百，支川三千，小者无数。禹亲自操橐耜而 九杂天下之川。腓无囗（“跋”字以“月”代“足”），胫无毛，沐 甚雨，栉疾风，置万国。禹大圣也，而形劳天下也如此。”使后世之 墨者，多以裘褐为衣，以屐囗（左“足”右“乔”音ｊｕｅ２）为服 ，日夜不休，以自苦为极，曰：“不能如此，非禹之道也，不足谓墨 。”相里勤之弟子，五侯之徒，南方之墨者若获、已齿、邓陵子之属 ，俱诵《墨经》，而倍谲不同，相谓别墨。以坚白同异之辩相訾，以 奇偶不仵之辞相应，以巨子为圣人。皆愿为之尸，冀得为其后世，至 今不决。墨翟、禽滑厘之意则是，其行则非也。将使后世之墨者，必 以自苦腓无囗（“跋”字以“月”代“足”）、胫无毛相进而已矣。乱之上也，治之下也。虽然，墨子真天下之好也，将求之不得也，虽 枯槁不舍也，才士也夫！

　　不累于俗，不饰于物，不苟于人，不忮于众，愿天下之安宁以活民 命，人我之养，毕足而止，以此白心。古之道术有在于是者，宋囗（ 左“金”右“开”音ｊｉａｎ１）、尹文闻其风而悦之。作为华山之 冠以自表，接万物以别宥为始。语心之容，命之曰“心之行”。以囗 （左“耳”右“而”音ｅｒ２）合欢，以调海内。请欲置之以为主。 见侮不辱，救民之斗，禁攻寝兵，救世之战。以此周行天下，上说下 教。虽天下不取，强聒而不舍者也。故曰：上下见厌而强见也。虽然 ，其为人太多，其自为太少，曰：“请欲固置五升之饭足矣。”先生 恐不得饱，弟子虽饥，不忘天下，日夜不休。曰：“我必得活哉！”图傲乎救世之士哉！曰：“君子不为苛察，不以身假物。”以为无益 于天下者，明之不如己也。以禁攻寝兵为外，以情欲寡浅为内。其小 大精粗，其行适至是而止。

　　公而不党，易而无私，决然无主，趣物而不两，不顾于虑，不谋于 知，于物无择，与之俱往。古之道术有在于是者，彭蒙、田骈、慎到 闻其风而悦之。齐万物以为首，曰：“天能覆之而不能载之，地能载 之而不能覆之，大道能包之而不能辩之。”知万物皆有所可，有所不 可。故曰：“选则不遍，教则不至，道则无遗者矣。”是故慎到弃知 去己，而缘不得已。泠汰于物，以为道理。曰：“知不知，将薄知而 后邻伤之者也。”囗（左“讠”右“奚”音ｘｉ３）髁无任，而笑天 下之尚贤也；纵脱无行，而非天下之大圣；椎拍囗（左“车”右“完 ”）断，与物宛转；舍是与非，苟可以免。不师知虑，不知前后，魏 然而已矣。推而后行，曳而后往。若飘风之还，若羽之旋，若磨石之 隧，全而无非，动静无过，未尝有罪。是何故？夫无知之物，无建己 之患，无用知之累，动静不离于理，是以终身无誉。故曰：“至于若 无知之物而已，无用贤圣。夫块不失道。”豪桀相与笑之曰：“慎到 之道，非生人之行，而至死人之理。”适得怪焉。田骈亦然，学于彭 蒙，得不教焉。彭蒙之师曰：“古之道人，至于莫之是、莫之非而已 矣。其风囗（上“穴”下“或”音ｘｕ４）然，恶可而言。”常反人，不见观，而不免于囗（左“鱼”右“元”音ｙｕａｎ２）断。其所 谓道非道，而所言之韪不免于非。彭蒙、田骈、慎到不知道。虽然， 概乎皆尝有闻者也。

　　以本为精，以物为粗，以有积为不足，澹然独与神明居。古之道术 有在于是者，关尹、老聃闻其风而悦之。建之以常无有，主之以太一 。以濡弱谦下为表，以空虚不毁万物为实。关尹曰：“在己无居，形 物自著。”其动若水，其静若镜，其应若响。芴乎若亡，寂乎若清。 同焉者和，得焉者失。未尝先人而常随人。老聃曰：“知其雄，守其 雌，为天下溪；知其白，守其辱，为天下谷。”人皆取先，己独取后 。曰：“受天下之垢”。人皆取实，己独取虚。“无藏也故有余”。岿然而有余。其行身也，徐而不费，无为也而笑巧。人皆求福，己独 曲全。曰：“苟免于咎”。以深为根，以约为纪。曰：“坚则毁矣， 锐则挫矣”。常宽容于物，不削于人。虽未至于极，关尹、老聃乎， 古之博大真人哉！

　　寂漠无形，变化无常，死与？生与？天地并与？神明往与？芒乎何 之？忽乎何适？万物毕罗，莫足以归。古之道术有在于是者，庄周闻 其风而悦之。以谬悠之说，荒唐之言，无端崖之辞，时恣纵而不傥，不奇见之也。以天下为沈浊，不可与庄语。以卮言为曼衍，以重言为 真，以寓言为广。独与天地精神往来，而不敖倪于万物。不谴是非， 以与世俗处。其书虽环玮，而连囗（左“犭”右“卞”音ｆａｎ１） 无伤也。其辞虽参差，而囗（左“讠”右“叔”音ｃｈｕ４）诡可观 。彼其充实，不可以已。上与造物者游，而下与外死生、无终始者为友。其于本也，弘大而辟，深闳而肆；其于宗也，可谓稠适而上遂矣。虽然，其应于化而解于物也，其理不竭，其来不蜕，芒乎昧乎，未 之尽者。

　　惠施多方，其书五车，其道舛驳，其言也不中。历物之意，曰：“ 至大无外，谓之大一；至小无内，谓之小一。无厚，不可积也，其大 千里。天与地卑，山与泽平。日方中方睨，物方生方死。大同而与小 同异，此之谓‘小同异’；万物毕同毕异，此之谓‘大同异’。南方 无穷而有穷。今日适越而昔来。连环可解也。我知天之中央，燕之北 、越之南是也。泛爱万物，天地一体也。”惠施以此为大，观于天下 而晓辩者，天下之辩者相与乐之。卵有毛。鸡有三足。郢有天下。犬 可以为羊。马有卵。丁子有尾。火不热。山出口。轮不囗（左“足” 右“展”）地。目不见。指不至，至不绝。龟长于蛇。矩不方，规不 可以为圆。凿不围枘。飞鸟之景未尝动也。镞矢之疾，而有不行、不 止之时。狗非犬。黄马骊牛三。白狗黑。孤驹未尝有母。一尺之棰， 日取其半，万世不竭。辩者以此与惠施相应，终身无穷。桓团、公孙龙辩者之徒，饰人之心，易人之意，能胜人之口，不能服人之心，辩 者之囿也。惠施日以其知与之辩，特与天下之辩者为怪，此其柢也。然惠施之口谈，自以为最贤，曰：“天地其壮乎，施存雄而无术。”南方有倚人焉，曰黄缭，问天地所以不坠不陷，风雨雷霆之故。惠施 不辞而应，不虑而对，遍为万物说。说而不休，多而无已，犹以为寡 ，益之以怪，以反人为实，而欲以胜人为名，是以与众不适也。弱于 德，强于物，其涂囗（左“阝”右“奥”音ａｏ４）矣。由天地之道 观惠施之能，其犹一蚊一虻之劳者也。其于物也何庸！夫充一尚可， 曰愈贵，道几矣！惠施不能以此自宁，散于万物而不厌，卒以善辩为名。惜乎！惠施之才，骀荡而不得，逐万物而不反，是穷响以声，形 与影竞走也，悲夫！



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BOOK XXXIII.
PART III. SECTION XI.
Thien Hsiâ 1.
1. The methods employed in the regulation of the world 2 are many; and (the employers of them) think each that the efficiency of his own method leaves nothing to be added to it.

But where is what was called of old 'the method of the Tâo 2?' We must reply, 'It is everywhere.' But then whence does the spiritual 3 in it come down? and whence does the intelligence 4 in it come forth? There is that which gives birth to the Sage, and that which gives his perfection to the King:--the origin of both is the One 5.

Not to be separate from his primal source constitutes what we call the Heavenly man; not to be separate from the essential nature thereof constitutes what we call the Spirit-like man; not to be separate from its real truth constitutes what we call the Perfect man 6.







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To regard Heaven as his primal Source, Its Attributes as the Root (of his nature), and the Tâo as the Gate (by which he enters into this inheritance), (knowing also) the prognostics given in change and transformation, constitutes what we call the Sagely man 1.

To regard benevolence as (the source of all) kindness, righteousness as (the source of all) distinctions, propriety as (the rule of) all conduct, and music as (the idea of) all harmony, thus diffusing a fragrance of gentleness and goodness, constitutes what we call the Superior man 2.

To regard laws as assigning the different (social) conditions, their names as the outward expression (of the social duties), the comparison of subjects as supplying the grounds of evidence, investigation as conducting to certainty, so that things can be numbered as first, second, third, fourth (and so on):--(this is the basis of government). Its hundred offices are thus arranged; business has its regular course; the great matters of clothes and food are provided for; cattle are fattened and looked after; the (government) stores are filled; the old and weak, orphans and solitaries, receive anxious consideration:--in all these ways is provision made for the nourishment of the people.

How complete was (the operation of the Tâo) in the men of old! It made them the equals of spiritual beings, and subtle and all-embracing as heaven and earth. They nourished all things, and produced



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harmony all under heaven. Their beneficent influence reached to all classes of the people. They understood all fundamental principles, and followed them out to their graduated issues; in all the six directions went their penetration, and in the four quarters all things were open to them. Great and small, fine and coarse;--all felt their presence and operation. Their intelligence, as seen in all their regulations, was handed down from age to age in their old laws, and much of it was still to be found in the Historians. What of it was in the Shih, the Shû, the Lî, and the Yo, might be learned from the scholars of Zâu 1 and Lû 1', and the girdled members of the various courts. The Shih describes what should be the aim of the mind; the Shû, the course of events; the Lî is intended to direct the conduct; the Yo, to set forth harmony; the Yî, to show the action of the Yin and Yang; and the Khun Khiû, to display names and the duties belonging to them.

Some of the regulations (of these men of old), scattered all under heaven, and established in our Middle states, are (also) occasionally mentioned and described in the writings of the different schools.

There ensued great disorder in the world, and sages and worthies no longer shed their light on it. The Tâo and its characteristics ceased to be regarded as uniform. Many in different places got


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one glimpse of it, and plumed themselves on possessing it as a whole. They might be compared to the ear, the eye, the nose, or the mouth. Each sense has its own faculty, but their different faculties cannot be interchanged. So it was with the many branches of the various schools. Each had its peculiar excellence, and there was the time for the use of it; but notwithstanding no one covered or extended over the whole (range of truth). The case was that of the scholar of a corner who passes his judgment on all the beautiful in heaven and earth, discriminates the principles that underlie all things, and attempts to estimate the success arrived at by the ancients. Seldom is it that such an one can embrace all the beautiful in heaven and earth, or rightly estimate the ways of the spiritual and intelligent; and thus it was that the Tâo, which inwardly forms the sage and externally the king 1, became obscured and lost its clearness, became repressed and lost its development. Every one in the world did whatever he wished, and was the rule to himself. Alas! the various schools held on their several ways, and could not come back to the same point, nor agree together. The students of that later age unfortunately did not see the undivided purity of heaven and earth, and the great scheme of truth held by the ancients. The system of the Tâo was about to be torn in fragments all under the sky.

2. To leave no example of extravagance to future generations; to show no wastefulness in the use of


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anything; to make no display in the degree of their (ceremonial) observances; to keep themselves (in their expenditure) under the restraint of strict and exact rule, so as to be prepared for occurring emergencies;--such regulations formed part of the system of the Tâo in antiquity, and were appreciated by Mo Tî, and (his disciple) Khin Hwa-lî 1. When they heard of such ways, they were delighted with them; but they enjoined them in excess, and followed them themselves too strictly. (Mo) made the treatise 'Against Music,' and enjoined the subject of another, called 'Economy in Expenditure,' on his followers. He would have no singing in life, and no wearing of mourning on occasions of death. He inculcated Universal Love, and a Common Participation in all advantages, and condemned Fighting. His doctrine did not admit of Anger. He was fond also of Learning, and with it all strove not to appear different from others. Yet he did not agree with the former kings, but attacked the ceremonies and music of the ancients.

Hwang-Tî had his Hsien-khih; Yâo, his Tâ Kang; Shun, his Tâ Shâo; Yü, his Tâ Hsiâ; Thang, his Tâ Hû; king Wän, his music of the Phi-yung 2; and king Wû and the duke of Kâu made the Wû.



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In the mourning rites of the ancients, the noble and mean had their several observances, the high and low their different degrees. The coffin of the Son of Heaven was sevenfold; of a feudal lord, fivefold; of a great officer, threefold; of other officers, twofold. But now Mo-dze alone, would have no singing during life, and no wearing of mourning after death. As the rule for all, he would have a coffin of elaeococca wood, three inches thick, and without any enclosing shell. The teaching of such lessons cannot be regarded as affording a proof of his love for men; his practising them in his own case would certainly show that he did not love himself; but this has not been sufficient to overthrow the views of Mo-dze. Notwithstanding, men will sing, and he condemns singing; men will wail, and he condemns wailing; men will express their joy, and he condemns such expression:--is this truly in accordance with man's nature? Through life toil, and at death niggardliness:--his way is one of great unkindliness. Causing men sorrow and melancholy, and difficult to be carried into practice, I fear it cannot be regarded as the way of a sage. Contrary to the minds of men everywhere, men will not endure it. Though Mo-dze himself might be able to endure it, how can the aversion of the world to it be overcome? The world averse to it, it must be far from the way of the (ancient) kings.

Mo-dze, in praise of his views, said, 'Anciently, when Yü was draining off the waters of the flood, he set free the channels of the Kiang and the Ho, and opened communications with them from the

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regions of the four Î and the nine provinces. The famous hills with which he dealt were 300, the branch streams were 3000, and the smaller ones innumerable. With his own hands he carried the sack and wielded the spade, till he had united all the streams of the country (conducting them to the sea). There was no hair left on his legs from the knee to the ankle. He bathed his hair in the violent wind, and combed it in the pelting rain, thus marking out the myriad states. Yü was a great sage, and thus he toiled in the service of the world.' The effect of this is that in this later time most of the Mohists wear skins and dolychos cloth, with shoes of wood or twisted hemp, not stopping day or night, but considering such toiling on their part as their highest achievement. They say that he who cannot do this is acting contrary to the way of Yü, and not fit to be a Mohist.

The disciples of Khin of Hsiang-lî 1, the followers of the various feudal lords 2; and Mohists of the south, such as Khû Hu 3, Ki Khih 3, and Täng Ling-dze 3, all repeated the texts of Mo, but they differed in the objections which they offered to them, and in their deceitful glosses they called one another Mohists of different schools. They had their disputations, turning on 'what was hard,' and 'what was white,' what constituted 'sameness' and what 'difference,' and their expressions about the difference between 'the odd' and the even,' with which they answered one another. They regarded




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their most distinguished member as a sage, and wished to make him their chief, hoping that he would be handed down as such to future ages. To the present day these controversies are not determined.

The idea of Mo Tî and Khin Hwa-lî was good, but their practice was wrong. They would have made the Mohists of future ages feel it necessary to toil themselves, till there was not a hair on their legs, and still be urging one another on; (thus producing a condition) superior indeed to disorder, but inferior to the result of good government. Nevertheless, Mo-dze was indeed one of the best men in the world, which you may search without finding his equal. Decayed and worn (his person) might be, but he is not to be rejected,--a scholar of ability indeed!

3. To keep from being entangled by prevailing customs; to shun all ornamental attractions in one's self; not to be reckless in his conduct to others; not to set himself stubbornly against a multitude; to desire the peace and repose of the world in order to preserve the lives of the people; and to cease his action when enough had been obtained for the nourishment of others and himself, showing that this was the aim of his mind;--such a scheme belonged to the system of the Tâo in antiquity 1, and it was appreciated by Sung Hsing 2 and Yin Wän 2.



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[paragraph continues] When they heard of such ways, they were delighted with them. They made the Hwa-shan cap, and wore it as their distinguishing badge 1. In their intercourse with others, whatever their differences might be, they began by being indulgent to them. Their name for 'the Forbearance of the Mind' was 'the Action of the Mind.' By the warmth of affection they sought the harmony of joy, and to blend together all within the four seas; and their wish was to plant this everywhere as the chief thing to be pursued. They endured insult without feeling it a disgrace; they sought to save the people from fighting; they forbade aggression and sought to hush the weapons of strife, to save their age from war. In this way they went everywhere, counselling the high and instructing the low. Though the world might not receive them, they only insisted on their object the more strongly, and would not abandon it. Hence it is said, 'The high and the low might be weary of them, but they were strong to show themselves.'

Notwithstanding all this, they acted too much out of regard to others, and too little for themselves. It was as if they said, 'What we request and wish is simply that there may be set down for us five pints of rice;--that will be enough.' But I fear the Master would not get his fill from this; and the disciples, though famishing, would still have to be mindful of the world, and, never stopping day or night, have to say, 'Is it necessary I should preserve


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my life? Shall I scheme how to exalt myself above the master, the saviour of the age?'

It was moreover as if they said, 'The superior man does not censoriously scrutinize (the faults of others); he does not borrow from others to supersede his own endeavours; when any think that he is of no use to the world, he knows that their intelligence is inferior to his own; he considers the prohibition of aggression and causing the disuse of arms to be an external achievement, and the making his own desires to be few and slight to be the internal triumph.' Such was their discrimination between the great and the small, the subtle and the coarse; and with the attainment of this they stopped.

4. Public-spirited, and with nothing of the partizan; easy and compliant, without any selfish partialities; capable of being led, without any positive tendencies; following in the wake of others, without any double mind; not looking round because of anxious thoughts; not scheming in the exercise of their wisdom; not choosing between parties, but going along with all;--all such courses belonged to the Tâoists of antiquity, and they were appreciated by Phäng Mäng 1, Thien Phien 1, and Shän Tâo 1. When they heard of such ways, they were delighted with them. They considered that the first thing for them to do was to adjust the controversies about different things. They said, 'Heaven can cover, but it cannot sustain; Earth can contain, but it can-


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not cover. The Great Tâo embraces all things, but It does not discriminate between them.'

They knew that all things have what they can do and what they cannot do. Hence it is said, 'If you select, you do not reach all; if you teach some things, you must omit the others; but the Tâo neglects none.' Therefore Shän Tâo discarded his knowledge and also all thought of himself, acting only where he had no alternative, and pursued it as his course to be indifferent and pure in his dealings with others. He said that the best knowledge was to have no knowledge, and that if we had a little knowledge it was likely to prove a dangerous thing. Conscious of his unfitness, he undertook no charge, and laughed at those who valued ability and virtue. Remiss and evasive, he did nothing, and disallowed the greatest sages which the world had known. Now with a hammer, now with his hand, smoothing all corners, and breaking all bonds, he accommodated himself to all conditions. He disregarded right and wrong, his only concern being to avoid trouble; he learned nothing from the wise and thoughtful, and took no note of the succession of events, thinking only of carrying himself with a lofty disregard of everything. He went where he was pushed, and followed where he was led, like a whirling wind, like a feather tossed about, like the revolutions of a grindstone.

What was the reason that he appeared thus complete, doing nothing wrong? that, whether in motion or at rest, he committed no error, and could be charged with no transgression? Creatures that have no knowledge are free from the troubles that arise from self-assertion and the entanglements that spring from the use of knowledge. Moving and at

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rest) they do not depart from their proper course, and all their life long they do not receive any praise. Hence (Shän Tâo) said, 'Let me come to be like a creature without knowledge. Of what use are the (teachings of the) sages and worthies?' But a clod of earth never fails in the course (proper for it), and men of spirit and eminence laughed together at him, and said, 'The way of Shän Tâo does not describe the conduct of living men; that it should be predicable only of the dead is strange indeed!'

It was just the same with Thien Phien. He learned under Phäng Mäng, but it was as if he were not taught at all. The master of Phäng Mäng said, 'The Tâoist professors of old came no farther than to say that nothing was absolutely right and nothing absolutely wrong.' His spirit was like the breath of an opposing wind; how can it be described in words? But he was always contrary to (the views of) other men, which he would not bring together to view, and he did not escape shaving the corners and bonds (of which I have spoken). What he called the Tâo was not the true Tâo, and what he called the right was really the wrong

Phäng Mäng, Thien Phien, and Shin Tâo did not in fact know the Tâo; but nevertheless they had heard in a general way about it.

5. To take the root (from which things spring) as the essential (part), and the things as its coarse (embodiment); to see deficiency in accumulation; and in the solitude of one's individuality to dwell with the spirit-like and intelligent;--such a course belonged to the Tâo of antiquity, and it was appreciated

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by Kwan Yin 1 and Lâo Tan 2. When they heard of such ways, they were delighted with them. They built their system on the assumption of an eternal non-existence, and made the ruling idea in it that of the Grand Unity. They made weakness and humility their mark of distinction, and considered that by empty vacuity no injury could be sustained, but all things be preserved in their substantiality.

Kwan Yin 1 says, 'To him who does not dwell in himself the forms of things show themselves as they are. His movement is like that of water; his stillness is like that of a mirror; his response is like that of the echo. His tenuity makes him seem to be disappearing altogether; he is still as a clear (lake), harmonious in his association with others, and he counts gain as loss. He does not take precedence of others, but follows them.' Lâo Tan 2 says, 'He knows his masculine power, but maintains his female weakness,--becoming the channel into which all streams flow. He knows his white purity, but keeps his disgrace,--becoming the valley of the world. Men all prefer to be first; he alone chooses to be last, saying, "I will receive the offscourings of the world." Men all choose fulness; he alone chooses emptiness. He does not store, and therefore he has a superabundance; he looks solitary, but has a multitude around him. In his conducting



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of himself he is easy and leisurely and wastes nothing. He does nothing, and laughs at the clever and ingenious. Men all seek for happiness, but he feels complete in his imperfect condition, and says, "Let me only escape blame." He regards what is deepest as his root, and what is most restrictive as his rule; and says, "The strong is broken; the sharp and pointed is blunted 1." He is always generous and forbearing with others, and does not encroach on any man;--this may be pronounced the height (of perfection).'

O Kwan Yin, and Lâo Tan, ye were among the greatest men of antiquity; True men indeed!

6. That the shadowy and still is without bodily form; that change and transformation are ever proceeding, but incapable of being determined. What is death? What is life? What is meant by the union of Heaven and Earth? Does the spiritual intelligence go away? Shadowy, where does it go? Subtle, whither does it proceed? All things being arranged as they are, there is no one place which can be fitly ascribed to it. Such were the questions belonging to the scheme of Tâo in antiquity, and they were appreciated by Kwang Kâu. When he heard of such subjects, he was delighted with them. (He discussed them), using strange and mystical expressions, wild and extravagant words, and phrases to which no definite meaning could be assigned. He constantly indulged his own wayward ideas, but did not make himself a partisan, nor look at them as peculiar to himself. Considering that men were


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sunk in stupidity and could not be talked to in dignified style, he employed the words of the cup of endless application, with important quotations to substantiate the truth, and an abundance of corroborative illustrations. He chiefly cared to occupy himself with the spirit-like operation of heaven and earth, and did not try to rise above the myriads of things. He did not condemn the agreements and differences of others, so that he might live in peace with the prevalent views. Though his writings may seem to be sparkling trifles, there is no harm in amusing one's self with them; though his phraseology be ever-varying, its turns and changes are worth being looked at;--the fulness and completeness of his ideas cannot be exhausted. Above he seeks delight in the Maker; below, he has a friendly regard to those who consider life and death as having neither beginning nor end. As regards his dealing with the Root (origin of all things), he is comprehensive and great, opening up new views, deep, vast, and free. As regards the Author and Master (the Great Tâo Itself), he may be pronounced exact and correct, carrying our thoughts to range and play on high. Nevertheless on the subject of transformation, and the emancipation of that from (the thraldom of) things, his principles are inexhaustible, and are not derived from his predecessors. They are subtle and obscure, and cannot be fully explained 1.


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7. Hui Shih 1 had many ingenious notions. His writings would fill five carriages; but his doctrines were erroneous and contradictory, and his words were wide of their mark. Taking up one thing after another, he would say:--'That which is so great that there is nothing outside it may be called the Great One; and that which is so small that there is nothing inside it may be called the Small One.' 'What has no thickness and will not admit of being repeated is 1000 lî in size 2.' 'Heaven may be as low as the earth.' 'A mountain may be as level as a marsh.' 'The sun in the meridian may be the sun declining.' 'A creature may be born to life and may die at the same time.' '(When it is said that) things greatly alike are different from things a little alike, this is what is called making little of agreements and differences; (when it is said that) all things are entirely alike or entirely different, this is what is called making much of agreements and differences.' 'The south is unlimited and yet has a limit.' 'I proceed to Yueh to-day and came to it yesterday.' 'Things which are joined together can be separated.' 'I know the centre of the world;--it is north of Yen or south of Yueh.' 'If all things be regarded with love, heaven and earth are of one body (with me).'

Hui Shih by such sayings as these made himself



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very conspicuous throughout the kingdom, and was considered an able debater. All other debaters vied with one another and delighted in similar exhibitions. (They would say), 'There are feathers in an egg.' 'A fowl has three feet.' 'The kingdom belongs to Ying.' 'A dog might have been (called) a sheep.' 'A tadpole has a tail.' 'Fire is not hot.' 'A mountain gives forth a voice.' 'A wheel does not tread on the ground.' 'The eye does not see.' 'The finger indicates, but needs not touch, (the object).' 'Where you come to may not be the end.' 'The tortoise is longer than the snake.' 'The carpenter's square is not square.' 'A compass should not itself be round.' 'A chisel does not surround its handle.' 'The shadow of a flying bird does not (itself) move.' 'Swift as the arrowhead is, there is a time when it is neither flying nor at rest.' 'A dog is not a hound.' 'A bay horse and a black ox are three.' 'A white dog is black.' 'A motherless colt never had a mother.' 'If from a stick a foot long you every day take the half of it, in a myriad ages it will not be exhausted.'--It was in this way that the debaters responded to Hui Shih, all their lifetime, without coming to an end.

Hwan Twan 1 and Kung-sun Lung 2 were true members of this class. By their specious representations they threw a glamour over men's minds and altered their ideas. They vanquished men in argument, but could not subdue their minds, only keeping them in the enclosure of their sophistry. Hui Shih daily used his own knowledge and the arguments of others to propose strange theses to all debaters



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such was his practice. At the same time he would talk freely of himself, thinking himself the ablest among them, and saying, 'In heaven or earth who is my match?' Shih maintained indeed his masculine energy, but he had not the art (of controversy).

In the south there was a man of extraordinary views, named Hwang Liâo 1, who asked him how it was that the sky did not fall nor the earth sink, and what was the cause of wind, rain, and the thunder's roll and crash. Shih made no attempt to evade the questions, and answered him without any exercise of thought, talking about all things, without pause, on and on without end; yet still thinking that his words were few, and adding to them the strangest observations. He thought that to contradict others was a real triumph, and wished to make himself famous by overcoming them; and on this account he was not liked by the multitude of debaters. He was weak in real attainment, though he might seem strong in comparison with others, and his way was narrow and dark. If we look at Hui Shih's ability from the standpoint of Heaven and Earth, it was only like the restless activity of a mosquito or gadfly; of what service was it to anything? To give its full development to any one capacity is a good thing, and he who does so is in the way to a higher estimation of the Tâo; but Hui Shih could find no rest for himself in doing this. He diffused himself over the world of things without satiety, till in the end he had only the reputation of being a skilful debater. Alas! Hui Shih, with


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all his talents, vast as they were, made nothing out; he pursued all subjects and never came back (with success). It was like silencing an echo by his shouting, or running a race with his shadow. Alas!


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Footnotes

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Next: The Thâi-Shang Tractate of Actions and Their Retributions


译文】
天下研究学术的人很多很多，都认为自己掌握了真理而且达到了无以复加、登峰造极的境界。那么，古时候所说的有关天道的规律，果真又存在哪里呢？回答是：“无处不在。”如果再问：“自然赋予的灵妙从何处降临？人们所拥有的睿智又从哪里产生？”回答是“玄圣有他诞生的原因，圣王也有他出现的根由，因为他们全都源于宇宙万物本体混一的道。”
不违背道的宗本，称他叫天人。不违背道的精粹，称他叫神人。不违背道的真谛，称他叫至人，把自然视为本原，把禀赋视为根本，把规律视为途径，从而预知事物的各种变化，称他叫圣人。用仁慈来布施恩惠，用道义来分清事理，用礼义来规范行为，用音乐来调理性情，温和而又慈祥，称他叫君子。依照法规确定职分，遵从名分确立标准，反复比较求得验证，凭借查考作出决策，就象点数一二三四一样历历分别，各种官吏都以此相互就位；把各种职业固定下来，把农桑事务摆上重要位置，注意繁衍生息和蓄积储藏，老弱孤寡经心照料，全都有所安养，这又是安定民心、治理百姓的规律。
古代圣哲的人实在是完备啊！他们配合灵妙之理、圣明之智，效法天地的自然规律，哺育万物，使天下均衡和谐，把恩泽施及百姓，通晓根本的典规，又能贯穿细枝末节的法度，六合通达四时顺畅，无论大小精粗的各种事物，其运动变化真是无所不在。他们的观点显明而又表露在各项典规法度的，旧有的法规和世代相传的史记里还是多有记载，那些存在于《诗》、《书》、《礼》、《乐》中的，邹地和鲁国的学者以及身着儒服的士绅先生们，大多能够明了内中的道理。《诗》用来表达思想感情，《书》用来记述政事，《礼》用来表述行为规范，《乐》用来传递和谐的音律，《易》用来阐明阴阳变化的奥秘，《春秋》用来讲述名分的尊卑与序列。内中的看法和主张散布天下并施行于中原各国的，各家的学说时时有人称述和介绍。
天下大乱之时，贤圣的学术主张不能彰显于世，道德的标准也不能求得划一，天下人大多凭借一孔之见就自以为是炫耀于人。譬如眼、耳、口、鼻，各有各的官能和作用，不可能相互交替通用。又好像各种各样的技艺，各有各的长处，适用时就能派上用处。虽然如此，不能赅全周遍，只能是一些偏执于一端的人。他们分割了天地淳和之美，离析了万物相通之理，肢解了古人的道术，很少能够真正合于纯真的自然之美，匹配灵妙和睿智的容状。所以内圣、外王的主张，晦暗不明，阻滞不通，天下人多自追求其所好并把偏执的看法当作完美的方术。可悲啊！诸家学派越走越远不能返归正道，必然不能合于古人的道术！后代的学者，实在是不幸不能见到自然纯真之美和古人道术的全貌，道术也就势必受到诸家学派的分割与破坏。让后世不奢侈，使万物不浪费，不使各种等级差别突出显明，而且用各种严厉的规矩约束自己以适应社会的急需。古时的道术确实包含上述方面的内容，墨翟、禽滑厘之流听闻这样的遗风并且热衷于这方面的活动。不过他们所主张和推行的又过于激烈，他们所反对、所节止的又过于苛严。他们倡导“非乐”，要求人们“节用”，生前不唱歌，死时不厚葬。墨家主张“泛爱”、“兼利”和“非斗”，他们的学说是非暴力的，而且墨家又好学博览，不随意标新立异，也不与前代帝王苟同。
墨家反对古代的礼乐制度。古代的乐章黄帝时有《咸池》，唐尧时有《大章》，虞舜时有《大韶》，夏禹时有《大夏》，商汤时有《大濩》，此外周文王时有《辟雍》之乐，武王和周公还作过《武》乐。古代的丧礼，贵贱有严格的规矩，上下有不同的等别，天子的内棺和外椁共有七层，诸侯是五层，大夫是三层，士是两层。如今墨家却独自主张生前不唱歌，死时不厚葬，桐木棺材厚三寸而且不用外棺，并把这些作为法度和定规。用这样的主张来教育人，恐怕不是真正的爱护人；用这样的要求来约束自己，当然不是对自己真正的爱惜。这样的评论并非有意要诋毁墨家的学说，虽然如此，不过情感表达需要歌唱却一味反对唱歌，情感表达需要哭泣却一味反对哭泣，情感表达需要欢乐却一味反对欢乐，这样做果真跟人的真情实感相吻合吗？他们主张人活在世上要勤劳，死的时候要淡薄，墨家的学说太苛刻了；使人忧虑，使人悲悯，而做起来也难以办到，恐怕不能够算是圣人之道，违反了天下人的心愿，天下之人也就不能忍受。墨子即使能够独自实行，又能拿天下人怎么样？背离了天下人的心愿，距离天下百姓一心归往的境界也就很远很远了。
墨子称赞说：“从前大禹治水时堵塞洪道，疏通长江黄河并使四夷九州沟通起来，整治的大河三百条，分支河道三千条，水渠溪流不可计数。大禹亲自抬筐挥铲，终于汇聚地面的水而使它归入大江河。劳苦奔波累得腿肚子消瘦，小腿上无毛，淋着暴雨，冒着狂风，安顿下万家城邑。禹是大圣，仍亲自为天下事务如此操劳。”因此，要让后世的墨家，多用羊皮、粗布做衣服，用木鞋、草鞋作服饰，日夜不停地操劳，把自身清苦看作是行为准则。并且还说：“不这样做，就不符合夏禹的主张，也就不配称作墨家。”后世墨家学人相里勤和他的弟子五侯之流，南方的墨家苦获与已齿，还有邓陵子一类的人，都口诵《墨经》，却违背了墨家的宗旨，相互指责对方不是正统的墨家。他们用“坚白”、“同异”等话题彼此争辩相互诋毁，用奇数偶数不会一致的言辞相互应答，把一时推举出来的首领看作是圣人，全都乐意敬重他为领袖，希望能成为墨家学派的后继人，而且至今各派之间仍争论不休。
墨翟和禽滑厘他们的意愿应当说是好的，但他们的作法却不可取。这将使后世的墨家学人，必定是励行劳苦，争先恐后地弄得腿肚子消瘦、小腿上无毛罢了。墨家的学说算得上是乱世的良方，却又只能是治世的下策。即使这样，墨子还是真正热爱天下的人民，一心追求的目标不能实现，就是弄得形容枯槁面颜憔悴也不会放弃自己的主张，真可算是有才之士啊！
不受流俗所牵累，不因外物而矫饰，不对人提出苛严的的要求，不背违众人的心情，但愿天下太平无事人人都能糊口养生，自己和他人生存条件能够得到保证也就心满意足，并且以此来剖白自己的心迹。古时候的道术确实包含上述方面的内容。宋钘、尹文听闻这方面的遗风并且热衷于这方面的活动。他们戴着特制的华山之形的帽子来表白上下均平的信念，应接外物总是先清除掉各式各样的界说和成见；他们竭力讨论人的思想活动，取个名字叫做内心的行为。他们用和顺柔韧的态度迎合人们的欢心，并调谐整个天下，而把抑制个人的情感和欲念看作主旨。他们受到侮辱却不以为是耻辱，一心解救人们之间的争斗；他们主张禁绝攻伐停止暴力行动，一心想平息世上的各类战争。用这样的学说周游天下，对上劝谏诸侯对下教导百姓，即使天下人都不采纳，他们也絮絮不休地说个没完。所以说，上上下下都受人嫌弃却仍然不遗余力地反复陈述。
即使这样，他们还是为别人考虑很多很多，为自己考虑很少很少。他们常说：“只希望准备五升米的饭食就完全足够了！”他们中的师长恐怕都不能吃饱，弟子们就是忍饥挨饿，也不忘怀天下的事务。他们无日无夜地为世人奔波，说：“我们大家都得生存下去啊！”那高大的样子确实是救世的人啊！他们还说：“君子不事事计较而苛求于人，也不会让自身为外物所役使。”他们认为对天下无益的事，与其竭力申辩倒不如停止不干。他们把禁绝攻伐平息暴力行动看作是主要的社会活动，把抑制个人的情感和欲念看作是对自身的主要要求，无论哪一个方面，他们的所作所为只不过达到这样的境界而已。
公正而不结党，平易而不偏私，断然依理不存主见，随物趋进一视同仁；不瞻前顾后，不谋求智巧，对于外物无所选择，随顺自然与物一同变化。古时候的道术确实包含上述方面的内容，彭蒙、田骈、慎到听闻这方面的遗风并且热衷于这方面的活动。他们把平等地对待外在事物放在首要地位，说：“苍天能够覆盖万物却不能托载万物，大地能够托载万物却不能覆盖万物，大道能够包容万物却不能区别万物。”他们懂得万物都有它们可以认可的一面，万物也有它们不可以认可的一面，所以说：“有所挑选就必然不会周遍，有教育就会出现教育不到的方面，一视同仁的规范与齐同划一的尺度才能没有遗漏。”
因此慎到弃置智巧，去除自我而顺应事物的必然，把听任外物的变化规律作为疏导一切事物的方术。他说：“明知不可知，却不能顺应而急迫地力求知道，势必再次使自己受到伤害。”自身怠惰不正无以为能却讥笑他人崇尚贤能，自身纵放不羁无有德行却讥笑他人尊重圣哲。或是击拍或是削截，只求随物婉曲变化，舍弃心中是非之见，希求能够免于各种牵累。不用智巧与谋虑，不究前因与后果，巍然自立而已。推一推然后行进，曳一曳然后前往，像旋风一样回旋，像飞羽一样飘忽，像磨石一样转圈，保全自己不受责难，动静合宜全无过失，不曾有过祸殃。这是为什么呢？大凡没有感知的物类，就不会有建树个人的忧患，就不会留下使用心计的牵累，或动或静不背离客观事理，因此终身无所谓荣誉。所以说：“达到像没有感知的东西那样罢了，无须贤人圣人，譬如土块就不会失去规范。”那些才华出众的人常在一起讥笑说：“慎到的学说，不是活人所能实行，而是死人的道理，理所当然地被人们看作是怪异的主张。”
田骈也是这样，向彭蒙学习，受到会心的传授。彭蒙的老师说：“古时候得道的人，达到了什么也不肯定又什么也不否定的境界而已。犹如迅急而过的风声不留一点踪迹，怎么可以加以言说？”他们总是背违人们的意愿，不能引起人们的关注，因而始终不能免于随物变化，他们所说的齐同划一的规范并不是真正的道，因而所说的正确也终不免于谬误。彭蒙、田骈与慎到均不真正懂得道。虽然如此，他们恐怕还是都听说过有关大道的概略。
把主宰万物的道视为精髓，把各具外形的物类视为粗杂，认为有所积蓄反生不易满足的贪欲，心境恬淡闲适只跟神明为伍。古时候的道术确实包含上述方面的内容，关尹、老聃听闻这方面的遗风并且热衷于这方面的活动。他们树立起“常无”、“常有”的观点，并把“太一”视为他们学说的核心，而且还以柔弱谦下的态度为外表，以空虚宁寂、不毁弃万物的心境为内质。
关尹说：“内心世界不存己见，外在有形之物便各各自然显露。有所动作像流水一样因势随顺，静止下来犹如明镜显迹无所敛藏，感应外物则像回声那样自然应答。恍恍惚惚仿佛什么也不存在，沉寂宁静如同虚空湛清。混同于万物必能谐和顺达，驰逐外物而有所得内心也就必有所失，从不曾抢在人先，而是常随人后。”
老聃说：“认识事物刚强的一面，却持守事物柔弱的一面，愿做天下可以汇聚潺潺细流的小溪；知道事物显著明亮的一面，却持守事物污浊晦暗的一面，愿做天下可以容受他物的虚空的山谷。”人人都争先恐后，自己却偏偏留在后边，说是承受天下的污辱。人人都求取实惠，自己却偏偏持守虚空，无心积蓄因而处处显得有余；是那么高大、充实而有余。他们立身行事，从容闲适而不耗费精神，无所作为而又耻笑智巧。人人都在追求福禄，自己却偏偏委曲求全，说是只求避免灾祸。以怀藏深邃奥妙的道为根本，以节约俭省的生活态度为大要，说是坚硬的容易毁坏，锐利的容易折损。对物常常宽容，对人无所削夺，就可算是最高的思想境界了。
关尹和老聃，真是自古以来最为博大的真人啊！
虚空宁寂没有形迹，变化万千没有定规，无所谓死无所谓生啊，跟天地共存啊，跟神明交往啊！恍恍惚惚往什么地方而去，又惚惚恍恍从什么地方而来，万物全都囊括于内，却没有什么去处足以作为最后的归宿。古时候的道术确实包含上述方面的内容，庄周听闻这方面的内容并且热衷于这方面的活动。他用虚空悠远的话语，扩大夸张的谈论，没有边际的言辞，时时纵任发挥却不偏执拘滞，从不靠标榜异端来显示自己的观点。他认为天下人沉湎于物欲而不知觉醒，不能够跟他们端庄不苟地讨论问题，因而用随顺无心的言辞不受拘束地随意铺陈，用先辈圣哲的话语让人信以为真，用婉曲的寄寓的文辞来拓展自己的胸臆。他独自跟博大的天地和玄妙的精神来往却又不傲视于万物，不追问是非曲折，而是与世俗相处。他的著述虽然雄奇伟异却宛转连缀不失宏旨，他的言辞虽然变化不定却妙趣横生引人入胜。他内心充实因而行文不能自已，上与天地结伴而游，下跟弃置死生，不知终始的得道之人交为朋友。他对于道的阐释，宏大而又通达，深远而又纵放；他对于道的探讨，可以说是谐和适宜而且达到了最高的境界。即使如此，在顺应事物的变化和分解事物的实情方面，他所阐述的道理是那么无穷无尽，他所建立的学说宗于本源脉络清楚，多么窈冥深邃啊，不可能完全洞悉其中的奥妙。
惠施懂得许多方面的学问，他的著述多达五车，但他的学说却乖背杂乱，他的言谈也多偏颇不当。他观察分析事物的要理，说：“大到极点的东西已无外围可言，称之为‘大一’；小到极点的东西已无所包容，称之为‘小一’。没有厚度的平面，不可能累积而成体积，但却可以无限扩展以至很远很远。从整个宇宙的角度看天与地都是低的，山峰与湖泽都是平的。太阳刚刚正中就同时开始偏斜，各种物类刚刚产生就同时意味着走向死亡。万物有类别的共同点和种属的共同点的差异，这叫做‘小同异’；万物有完全相同的共性和个别事物完全不同的特点的差异，这叫做‘大同异’。南方可以是无穷尽的但南方也可能是有尽头的，今天到越国去又可以说成是昨天来到了越国。连环本不可解但又可说是无时无刻不在销解。我知道天下的中心部位，可以说是在燕国的北边也可说是在越国的南方。广泛地爱护各种物类，因为天地间本来就是没有区别的整体。”
惠施认为上述看法是最为博大的了，游观天下并晓谕各处善辩的人，天下一切喜好争辩的人无不相互津津乐道：卵里面可以说是存在着毛；鸡的脚可以数出三只；郢都内就存在着天下；狗也可命名为羊，马能够说是卵生的；虾蟆可以说是长有尾巴；火本身并没有热感；山中的回音证明大山也生出了口；车轮永远不会着地；眼睛也可说缺乏看视的能力；指认外物永远达不到事物的实际，即使达到实际也会无穷无尽；乌龟可能比蛇还长；角尺不能画出方形，圆规也不能用来画圆；具体的榫眼与榫头不会完全地吻合；飞鸟的身影也可说不曾有过移动；飞逝而去的箭头有停留、也有不曾停歇的时刻；小狗可以不是狗；黄马、黑牛的称谓可以数落出三个；白狗也可以叫它黑狗；称作孤驹应该说它不曾有过母亲；一尺长的棍棒，每天截取一半，一万年也分截不完。喜好争辩的人们用上述命题跟惠施相互辩论，一辈子没完没了。
桓团、公孙龙等善辩之流，蒙蔽人们的思想，改变人们的心意，能够堵住别人的嘴，却不能折服人心，这就是辩者的局限。惠施每天用其心智跟人辩论，独自跟天下的辩者制造出这么多奇谈怪论，而上述就是他们论争的大体情况。
不过惠施的口总是说个没完，自以为最有才气，说：“天地伟大啊！”他实在是心存压倒他人的雄心而又不真正懂得道术。南方有个奇异的人名叫黄缭，向他询问天为什么不会坠落、地为什么不会塌陷，询问风雨雷霆形成的原因。惠施一点也不谦逊立即回应，不加思索地就作出答复，广泛阐述事物的规律与原理，说起来絮絮不绝，话多而无休止，还认为说得太少，把许多奇异的东西也添加进去。他处处违反人的实情，却一心求取超人的名声，因此他总是跟众人不合适宜。他内心修养十分薄弱，而追逐外物的欲念却又十分强烈，他所走的道路真是弯曲狭窄的哩。用阴阳交构化育万物的道术来考察惠施的能耐，不过就像是一只蚊虻在徒劳地嗡嗡作响。他的言论对于万物有什么用处！不过充分了解事理的某一部分还是可以说十分突出的，如果能够尊崇于道也就接近于道术了！惠施不能够在这方面安下心来认真下点功夫，离散心神于外界事物又从不知道倦怠，最终只不过得到善辩的美称。可惜啊！惠施的才气，放荡不羁而无所获，驰逐于外物而不知返归本真，这就像用声音来遏止回声，又像是为了使身形摆脱影子而拼命地奔跑，实在是可悲啊！

p. 235

THE THÂI-SHANG
TRACTATE OF ACTIONS AND THEIR RETRIBUTIONS 1.
1. The Thâi-Shang (Tractate) says, 'There are no special doors for calamity and happiness (in men's The Thesis.
lot); they come as men themselves call them. Their recompenses follow good and evil as the shadow follows the substance 2.

2. 'Accordingly, in heaven and earth 3 there are Machinery to secure retribution.
spirits that take account of men's transgressions, and, according to the lightness or gravity of their offences, take away from their term of life 4. When that term is curtailed, men become poor and reduced, and meet with many sorrows and afflictions. All (other) men hate them; punishments and calamities attend them; good luck and occasions for felicitation shun them;





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evil stars send down misfortunes on them 1. When their term of life is exhausted they die.

'There also are the Spirit-rulers in the three pairs of the Thâi stars of the Northern Bushel 2 over men's heads, which record their acts of guilt and wickedness, and take away (from their term of life) periods of twelve years or of a hundred days.

'There also are the three Spirits of the recumbent body which reside within a man's person 3. As each kang-shän 4 day comes round, they forthwith ascend to the court of Heaven, and report men's deeds of guilt and transgression. On the last day of the moon, the spirit of the Hearth does the same 5.

'In the case of every man's transgressions, when they are great, twelve years are taken from his term of life; when they are small, a hundred days.

'Transgressions, great and small, are seen in several hundred things. He who wishes to seek for long life 6 must first avoid these.







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3. 'Is his way right, he should go forward in it; is it wrong, he should withdraw from it.

'He will not tread in devious by-ways; he will not impose on himself in any secret apartment. He will The way of a good man.
amass virtue and accumulate deeds of merit. He will feel kindly towards (all) creatures 1. He will be loyal, filial, loving to his younger brothers, and submissive to his elder. He will make himself correct and (so) transform others. He will pity orphans, and compassionate widows; he will respect the old and cherish the young. Even the insect tribes, grass, and trees he should not hurt.

'He ought to pity the malignant tendencies of others; to rejoice over their excellences; to help them in their straits; to rescue them from their perils; to regard their gains as if they were his own, and their losses in the same way; not to publish their shortcomings; not to vaunt his own superiorities; to put a stop to what is evil, and exalt and display what is good; to yield much, and take little for himself; to receive insult without resenting it, and honour with an appearance of apprehension; to bestow favours without seeking for a return, and give to others without any subsequent regret:--this is what is called a good man. All other men respect him; Heaven in its course protects him; happiness and emolument follow him; all evil things keep far from him; the spiritual Intelligences defend him; what he does is sure to succeed 2



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he may hope to become Immaterial and Immortal 1. Happy issues of his course.
He who would seek to become an Immortal of Heaven 1 ought to give the proof of 1300 good deeds; and he who would seek to become an Immortal of Earth 1 should give the proof of three hundred.

4. 'But if the movements (of a man's heart) are contrary to righteousness, and the (actions of his) conduct are in opposition to reason; if he regard his The way of a bad man.
wickedness as a proof of his ability, and can bear to do what is cruel and injurious; if he secretly harms the honest and good; if he treats with. clandestine slight his ruler or parents; if he is disrespectful to his elders and teachers 2; if he disregards the authority of those whom he should serve; if he deceives the simple; if he calumniates his fellow-learners; if he vent baseless slanders, practise deception and hypocrisy,



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and attack and expose his kindred by consanguinity and affinity; if he is hard, violent, and without humanity; if he is ruthlessly cruel in taking his own way; if his judgments of right and wrong are incorrect; and his likings and aversions are in despite of what is proper; if he oppresses inferiors, and claims merit (for doing so); courts superiors by gratifying their (evil) desires; receives favours without feeling grateful for them; broods over resentments without ceasing; if he slights and makes no account of Heaven's people 1; if he trouble and throw into disorder the government of the state; bestows rewards on the unrighteous and inflicts punishments on the guiltless; kills men in order to get their wealth, and overthrows men to get their offices; slays those who have surrendered, and massacres those who have made their submission; throws censure on the upright, and overthrows the worthy; maltreats the orphan and oppresses the widow; if he casts the laws aside and receives bribes; holds the right to be wrong and the wrong to be right; enters light offences as heavy; and the sight of an execution makes him more enraged (with the criminal); if he knows his faults and does not change them, or knows what is good and does not do it; throws the guilt of his crimes on others; if he tries to hinder the exercise of an art (for a living); reviles and slanders the sage and worthy; and assails and oppresses (the principles of) reason and virtue 2;



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if he shoots birds and hunts beasts, unearths the burrowing insects and frightens roosting birds, blocks up the dens of animals and overturns nests, hurts the pregnant womb and breaks eggs; if he wishes others to have misfortunes and losses; and defames the merit achieved by others if he imperils others to secure his own safety; diminishes the property of others to increase his own; exchanges bad things for good 1; and sacrifices the public weal to his private advantage; if he takes credit to himself for the ability of others; conceals the excellences of others; publishes the things discreditable to others; and searches out the private affairs of others; leads others to waste their property and wealth; and causes the separation of near relatives 2; encroaches on what others love; and assists others in doing wrong; gives the reins to his will and puts on airs of majesty; puts others to shame in seeking victory for himself; injures or destroys the growing crops of others; and breaks up projected marriages; if becoming rich by improper means makes him proud; and by a peradventure escaping the consequences of his misconduct, he yet feels no shame; if he owns to favours (which he did not confer), and puts off his errors (on others); marries away (his own) calamity to another, and sells (for gain) his own wickedness; purchases for himself empty praise; and keeps hidden dangerous purposes in his heart; detracts from the excellences



p. 241

of others, and screens his own shortcomings if he takes advantage of his dignity to practise intimidation, and indulges his cruelty to kill and wound; if without cause he (wastes cloth) in clipping and shaping it; cooks animals for food, when no rites require it; scatters and throws away the five grains; and burdens and vexes all living creatures; if he ruins the families of others, and gets possession of their money and valuables; admits the water or raises fire in order to injure their dwellings; if he throws into confusion the established rules in order to defeat the services of others; and injures the implements of others to deprive them of the things they require to use; if, seeing others in glory and honour, he wishes them to be banished or degraded; or seeing them wealthy and prosperous, he wishes them to be broken and scattered; if he sees a beautiful woman and forms the thought of illicit intercourse with her; is indebted to men for goods or money, and wishes them to die; if, when his requests and applications are not complied with, his anger vents itself in imprecations; if he sees others meeting with misfortune, and begins to speak of their misdeeds; or seeing them with bodily imperfections he laughs at them; or when their abilities are worthy of praise, he endeavours to keep them back; if he buries the image of another to obtain an injurious power over him 1; or employs poison to kill trees; if he is indignant and angry with his instructors; or opposes and thwarts his


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father and elder brother; if he takes things by violence or vehemently demands them; if he loves secretly to pilfer, and openly to snatch; makes himself rich by plunder and rapine; or by artifice and deceit seeks for promotion; if he rewards and punishes unfairly; if he indulges in idleness and pleasure to excess; is exacting and oppressive to his inferiors; and tries to frighten other men; if he murmurs against Heaven and finds fault with men; reproaches the wind and reviles the rain; if he fights and joins in quarrels; strives and raises litigations; recklessly hurries to join associate fraternities; is led by the words of his wife or concubine to disobey the instructions of his parents; if, on getting what is new, he forgets the old; and agrees with his mouth, while he dissents in his heart; if he is covetous and greedy after wealth, and deceives and befools his superiors (to get it); if he invents wicked speeches to calumniate and overthrow the innocent; defames others and calls it being straightforward; reviles the Spirits and styles himself correct; if he casts aside what is according to right, and imitates what is against it; turns his back on his near relatives, and his face to those who are distant; if he appeals to Heaven and Earth to witness to the mean thoughts of his mind; or calls in the spiritual Intelligences to mark the filthy affairs of his life; if he gives and afterwards repents that he has done so; or borrows and does not return; if he plans and seeks for what is beyond his lot; or lays tasks (on people) beyond their strength; if he indulges his lustful desires without measure; if there be poison in his heart and mildness in his face; if he gives others filthy food to eat; or by corrupt doctrines

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deludes the multitude; if he uses a short cubit, a narrow measure, light weights, and a small pint; mixes spurious articles with the genuine; and (thus) amasses illicit gain; if he degrades (children or others of) decent condition to mean positions; or deceives and ensnares simple people; if he is insatiably covetous and greedy; tries by oaths and imprecations to prove himself correct; and in his liking for drink is rude and disorderly; if he quarrels angrily with his nearest relatives; and as a man he is not loyal and honourable; if a woman is not gentle and obedient; if (the husband) is not harmonious with his wife; if the wife does not reverence her husband; if he is always fond of boasting and bragging; if she is constantly jealous and envious; if he is guilty of improper conduct to his wife or sons; if she fails to behave properly to her parents-in-law; if he treats with slight and disrespect the spirits of his ancestors; if he opposes and rebels against the charge of his sovereign; if he occupies himself in doing what is of no use; and cherishes and keeps concealed a purpose other than what appears; if he utter imprecations against himself and against others (in the assertion of his innocence) 1; or is partial in his likes and dislikes; if he strides over the well or the hearth; leaps over the food, or over a man 2; kills newly-born children or brings about abortions 2; if he does many actions of secret depravity; if he sings and dances on the



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last day of the moon or of the year; bawls out or gets angry on the first day of the moon or in the early dawn; weeps, spits, or urinates, when fronting the north sighs, sings, or wails, when fronting the fire-place and moreover, if he takes fire from the hearth to burn incense; or uses dirty firewood to cook with; if he rises at night and shows his person naked; if at the eight terms of the year 1 he inflicts punishments; if he spits at a shooting star; points at a rainbow; suddenly points to the three luminaries; looks long at the sun and moon; in the months of spring burns the thickets in hunting; with his face to the north angrily reviles others; and without reason kills tortoises and smites snakes 2:--

'In the case of crimes such as these, (the Spirits) presiding over the Life, according to their lightness or gravity, take away the culprit's periods of twelve years or of one hundred days. When his term of life is exhausted, death ensues. If at death there remains guilt unpunished, judgment extends to his posterity 3.




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5. 'Moreover, when parties by wrong and violence take the money of others, an account is taken, and set Conclusion of the whole matter.
against its amount, of their wives and children, and all the members of their families, when these gradually die. If they do not die, there are the disasters from water, fire, thieves, and robbers, from losses of property, illnesses, and (evil) tongues to balance the value of their wicked appropriations 1. Further, those who wrongfully kill men are (only) putting their weapons into the hands of others who will in their turn kill them 2.

'To take to one's self unrighteous wealth is like satisfying one's hunger with putrid food 3, or one's thirst with poisoned wine. It gives a temporary relief, indeed, but death also follows it.

'Now when the thought of doing good has arisen in a man's mind, though the good be not yet done, the good Spirits are in attendance on him. Or, if the thought of doing evil has arisen, though the evil be not yet done, the bad Spirits are in attendance on him.

'If one have, indeed, done deeds of wickedness, but afterwards alters his way and repents, resolved not to do anything wicked, but to practise reverently




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all that is good, he is sure in the long-run to obtain good fortune:--this is called changing calamity into blessing. Therefore the good man speaks what is good, contemplates what is good, and does what is good; every day he has these three virtues:--at the end of three years Heaven is sure to send down blessing on him 1. The bad man speaks what is wicked, contemplates what is wicked, and does what is wicked; every day he has these three vices:--at the end of three years, Heaven is sure to send down misery on him 1.--How is it that men will not exert themselves to do what is good?'




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Footnotes
235:1 See vol. xxxix, pp. 38-40.

235:2 This paragraph, after the first three characters, is found in the Zo Khwan, under the tenth and eleventh notices in the twenty-third year of duke Hsiang (B.C. 549),--part of an address to a young nobleman by the officer Min Dze-mâ. The only difference in the two texts is in one character which does not affect the meaning. Thus the text of this Tâoist treatise is taken from a source which cannot be regarded as Tâoistic.

235:3 This seems equivalent to 'all through space.'

235:4 The swan in the text here seems to mean 'the whole of the allotted term of life.' Further on, the same character has the special meaning of 'a period of a hundred days.'

236:1 This and other passages show how Tâoism pressed astrology into its service.

236:2 The Northern Peck or Bushel is the Chinese name of our constellation of the Great Bear, the Chariot of the Supreme Ruler.' The three pairs of stars, ι, κ λ, μ ν, ξ, are called the upper, middle, and lower Thâi, or 'their three Eminences:' see Reeves's Names of Stars and Constellations, appended to Morrison's Dictionary, part ii, vol. i.

236:3 The Khang-hsî Dictionary simply explains san shih as 'the name of a spirit;' but the phrase is evidently plural. The names and places of the three spirits are given, and given differently. Why should we look for anything definite and satisfactory in a notion which is merely an absurd superstition?

236:4 Käng-shän is the name of the fifty-seventh term of the cycle, indicating every fifty-seventh day, or year. Here it indicates the day.

236:5 The name of this spirit of the fire-place is given by commentators with many absurd details which need not be touched on.

236:6 Long life is still the great quest of the Tâoist.

237:1 In its widest meaning:--Men, creatures, and all living things.

237:2 Here are the happy issues of doing good in addition to long life;--compare the Tâo Teh King, ch. 50, et al.

238:1 Here there appears: the influence of Buddhism on the doctrine of the Tâo. The Rishis of Buddhism are denoted in Chinese by Hsien Zän ( ), which, for want of a better term, we translate by 'Immortals.' The famous Nâgârguna, the fourteenth Buddhist patriarch, counts ten classes of these Rishis, and ascribes to them only a temporary exemption for a million years from transmigration, but Chinese Buddhists and Tâoists view them as absolutely immortal, and distinguish five classes:--first, Deva Rishis, or Heavenly Hsien, residing on the seven concentric rocks round Meru; second, Purusha, or Spirit-like Hsien, roaming through the air; third, Nara, or Human Hsien, dwelling among men; fourth, Bhûmi, or Earth Hsien, residing on earth in caves; and fifth, Preta, or Demon Hsien, roving demons. See Eitel's Handbook to Chinese Buddhism, second edition, p. 130. In this place three out of the five classes are specified, each having its own price in good deeds.

238:2 Literally, 'those born before himself,' but generally used as a designation of teachers.

239:1 A Confucian phrase. See the Lî Kî, III, v, 13.

239:2 One is sorry not to see his way to translate here--'Assails and oppresses those who pursue the Tâo and its characteristics.' Julien gives for it--'Insulter et traiter avec cruauté ceux qui se livrent à l'étude de la Raison et de la Vertu.' Watters p. 240 has--'Insults and oppresses (those who have attained to the practice of) Truth and Virtue.'

240:1 It is a serious mistranslation of this which Mr. Balfour gives:--'returns evil for good,' as if it were the golden rule in its highest expression.

240:2 Literally, 'separates men's bones and flesh.'

241:1 The crimes indicated here are said to have become rife under the Han dynasty, when the arts of sorcery and witchcraft were largely employed to the injury of men.

243:1 The one illustrative story given by Julien under this clause shows clearly that I have rightly supplemented it. He translates it:--'Faire des imprécations contre soi-même et contre les autres.'

243:2 Trifling acts and villainous crimes are here mixed together.

244:1 The commencements of the four seasons, the equinoxes and solstices.

244:2 Many of the deeds condemned in this long paragraph have a ground of reason for their condemnation; others are merely offences against prevailing superstitions.

244:3 The principle enunciated here is very ancient in the history of the ethical teaching of China. It appears in one of the Appendixes to the Yî King (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xvi, p. 419), 'The family that accumulates goodness is sure to have superabundant happiness; the family that accumulates evil is sure to have superabundant misery.' We know also that the same view prevailed in the time of Confucius, though the sage himself does not expressly sanction it. This Tractate does not go for the issues of Retribution beyond the present life.

245:1 These sentences are rather weak. Nothing is said of any recompense to the parties who have been robbed. The thief is punished by the death of others, or the loss of property.

245:2 A somewhat perplexing sentence. Julien gives for it:--'Ceux qui font périr des hommes innocens ressemblent à des ennemis qui échangent leurs armes et se tuent les uns les autres;' and Watters:--'Those who put others to death wrongly are like men who exchange arms and slay each other.'

245:3 Literally, 'soaked food that has been spoiled by dripping water.'

246:1 The effect of repentance and reformation is well set forth; but the specification of three years, as the period within which the recompense or retribution will occur, is again an indication of the weakness in this concluding paragraph.



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Next: Appendix I. Khing Käng King, or 'The Classic of Purity.'

p. 247

APPENDIXES.
APPENDIX I.
Khing Käng King, or 'The Classic of Purity 1.'
So I must translate the title of this brochure, as it appears in the 'Collection of the Most Important Treatises of the Tâoist Fathers' (vol. xxxix, p. xvii), in which alone I have had an opportunity of perusing and studying the Text. The name, as given by Wylie (Notes, p. 178), Balfour (Tâoist Texts.), and Faber (China Review, vol. xiii, p. 246), is Khing King King 2, and signifies 'The Classic of Purity and Rest.' The difference is in the second character, but both Khing Käng and Khing King are well-known combinations in Tâoist writings; and it will be seen, as the translation of the Text is pursued, that neither of them is unsuitable as the title of the little Book.

It is, as Dr. Faber says, one of the 'mystical canons' of Tâoism; but the mysticism of Tâoism is of a nature peculiar to itself, and different from any mental exercises which have been called by that name in connexion with Christianity or Mohammedanism. It is more vague and shadowy than any theosophy or Sûfism, just as the idea of the Tâo differs from the apprehension of a personal God, however uncertain and indefinite that apprehension may be. Mr. Wylie says the work 'treats under very moderate limits of the subjection of the mental faculties.' This indeed is the consummation to which it conducts the student; a



p. 248

condition corresponding to the nothingness which Lâo-dze contended for as antecedent to all positive existence, and out of which he said that all existing being came, though he does not indicate how.

I give to the Treatise the first place among our appendixes here because of the early origin ascribed to it. It is attributed to Ko Yüan (or Hsüan) 1, a Tâoist of the Wû dynasty (A.D. 222-277), who is fabled to have attained to the state of an Immortal, and is generally so denominated 2. He is represented as a worker of miracles; as addicted to intemperance, and very eccentric in his ways. When shipwrecked on one occasion, he emerged from beneath the water with his clothes unwet, and walked freely on its surface. Finally he ascended to the sky in bright day 3. All these accounts may safely be put down as the figments of a later time.

It will be seen that the Text ascribes the work to Lâo-dze himself, and I find it impossible to accept the account of its origin which is assigned by Lî Hsî-yüeh to Ko Hsüan. As quoted by Lî in the first of some notes subjoined to his Commentary, Ko is made to say, 'When I obtained the true Tâo, I had recited this King ten thousand times. It is what the Spirits of heaven practise, and had not been communicated to scholars of this lower world. I got it from the Divine Ruler of the eastern Hwa; he received it from the Divine Ruler of the Golden Gate; he received it from the Royal-mother of the West. In all these cases it was transmitted from mouth to mouth, and was not committed to writing. I now, while I am in the world, have written it out in a book. Scholars of the highest order, understanding it, ascend and become officials of Heaven; those of the middle order, cultivating it, are ranked among the Immortals of the Southern Palace; those of the lowest order, possessing it, get long years of life in the world, roam




p. 249

through the Three Regions 1a, and (finally) ascend to, and enter, the Golden Gate.'

This quotation would seem to be taken from the preface to our little classic by Ho Hsüan. If there were indeed such a preface during the time of the Wû dynasty, the corruption of the old Tâoism must have been rapid. The Hsî Wang-mû, or Royal-mother of the West, is mentioned once in Kwang-dze (Bk. VI, par. 7); but no 'Divine Ruler' disfigures his pages. Every reader must feel that in the Classic of Purity he has got into a different region of thought from that which he has traversed in the Tâo Teh King and in the writings of Kwang-dze.

With these remarks I now proceed to the translation and explanation of the text of our King.


______________

Ch. 1. 1. Lâo the Master 1 said, The Great 2 Tâo has no bodily form, but It produced and nourishes heaven and earth 3. The Great Tâo has no passions 4, but It causes the sun and moon to revolve as they do.

The Great 2 Tâo has no name 5, but It effects the growth and maintenance of all things 3.

I do not know its name, but I make an effort, and call It the Tâo 6.







p. 250

2. Now, the Tâo (shows itself in two forms); the Pure and the Turbid, and has (the two conditions of) Motion and Rest 1. Heaven is pure and earth is turbid; heaven moves and earth is at rest. The masculine is pure and the feminine is turbid; the masculine moves and the feminine is still 2. The radical (Purity) descended, and the (turbid) issue flowed abroad; and thus all things were produced 1.

The pure is the source of the turbid, and motion is the foundation of rest.

If man could always be pure and still, heaven and earth would both revert (to non-existence) 3.




p. 251

3. Now the spirit of man loves Purity, but his mind 1 disturbs it. The mind of man loves stillness, but his desires draw it away 1. If he could always send his desires away, his mind would of itself become still. Let his mind be made clean, and his spirit will of itself become pure.

As a matter of course the six desires 2 will not arise, and the three poisons 3 will be taken away and disappear.




4. The reason why men are not able to attain to this, is because their minds have not been cleansed, and their desires have not been sent away.

p. 252

If one is able to send the desires away, when he then looks in at his mind, it is no longer his; when he looks out at his body, it is no longer his; and when he looks farther off at external things, they are things which he has nothing to do with.

When he understands these three things, there will appear to him only vacancy. This contemplation of vacancy will awaken the idea of vacuity. Without such vacuity there is no vacancy.

The idea of vacuous space having vanished, that of nothingness itself also disappears; and when the idea of nothingness has disappeared, there ensues serenely the condition of constant stillness. 1


5. In that condition of rest independently of place how can any desire arise? And when no desire any longer arises, there is the True stillness and rest.

That True (stillness) becomes (a) constant quality, and responds to external things (without error); yea, that True and Constant quality holds possession of the nature.

In such constant response and constant stillness there is the constant Purity and Rest.

He who has this absolute Purity enters gradually into the (inspiration of the) True Tâo. And

p. 253

having entered thereinto, he is styled Possessor of the Tâo.

Although he is styled Possessor of the Tâo, in reality he does not think that he has become possessed of anything. It is as accomplishing the transformation of all living things, that he is styled Possessor of the Tâo.

He who is able to understand this may transmit to others the Sacred Tâo. 5_1


2. 1. Lâo the Master said, Scholars of the highest class do not strive (for anything); those of the lowest class are fond of striving 1. Those who possess in the highest degree the attributes (of the Tâo) do not show them; those who possess them in a low degree hold them fast (and display them) 2. Those who so hold them fast and display them are not styled (Possessors of) the Tâo and Its attributes 2.



2. The reason why all men do not obtain the True Tâo is because their minds are perverted. Their minds being perverted, their spirits become perturbed. Their minds being perturbed, they are attracted towards external things. Being attracted towards external things, they begin to seek for them greedily. This greedy quest leads to perplexities and annoyances; and these again result in disordered

p. 254

thoughts, which cause anxiety and trouble to both body and mind. The parties then meet with foul disgraces, flow wildly on through the phases of life and death, are liable constantly to sink in the sea of bitterness, and for ever lose the True Tâo.

3. The True and Abiding Tâo! They who understand it naturally obtain it. And they who come to understand. the Tâo abide in Purity and Stillness. 1



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Footnotes
247:1 .

247:2 .

248:1  or .

248:2 .

248:3 See the Accounts of Ko in the Biographical Dictionary of Hsiâo Kih-han (1793), and Wang Khî's supplement to the great work of Mâ Twan-lin, ch. 242.

249:1a 'The three regions ( )' here can hardly be the trilokya of the Buddhists, the ethical categories of desire, form, and formlessness. They are more akin to the Brahmanic bhuvanatraya, the physical or cosmological categories of bhûr or earth, bhuvah or heaven, and svar or atmosphere.

249:1 The name here is Lâo Kün ( ). I have stated (vol. xxxix, p. 40) that, with the addition of Thâi Shang, this is the common designation of Lâo-dze as the Father of Tâoism and deifying him, and that it originated probably in the Thang dynasty. It might seem to be used simply here by Ko Hsüan with the same high application; and since in his preface he refers to different 'Divine Rulers,' it may be contended that we ought to translate Lâo Kün by 'Lâo the Ruler.' But I am unwilling to think that the deification of Lâo-dze p. 250 had taken place so early. The earliest occurrence of the combination Lâo Kün which has attracted my notice is in the history of Khung Yung, a descendant of Confucius in the twentieth generation,--the same who is celebrated in the San Dze King, for his fraternal deference at the age of four, and who met with a violent death in A.D. 208. While still only a boy, wishing to obtain an interview with a representative of the Lâo family, he sent in this message to him, 'My honoured predecessor and the honoured Lâo, the predecessor of your Li family, equally virtuous and righteous, were friends and teachers of each other.' The epithet Kün is equally applied to Confucius and Lâo-dze, and the combination Lâo Kün implies no exaltation of the latter above the other.

249:2 See Tâo Teh King, chaps. 18, 25, 53.

249:3 T. T. K., chaps. 1, 51, et al.

249:4 See Kwang-dze, Bk. II, par. 2. 'Passions,' that is, feelings, affections; as in the first of the thirty-nine Articles.

249:5 T. T. K., chaps. 1, 25, 32, 51.

249:6 T. T. K., ch. 25.

250:1 This paragraph is intended to set forth 'the production of all things;' but it does so in a way that is hardly intelligible. Comparing what is said here with the utterances in the former paragraph, Tâo would seem to be used in two p. 251 senses; first as an Immaterial Power or Force, and next as the Material Substance, out of which all things come. Li Hsî-yüeh says that in the first member of par. 1 we have 'the Unlimited (or Infinite) producing the Grand (or Primal) Finite.' On the Tâo in par. 2 he says nothing. The fact is that the subject of creation in the deepest sense of the name is too high for the human mind.

250:2 Compare T. T. K., ch. 61.

250:3 I do not understand this, but I cannot translate the Text otherwise. Mr. Balfour has:--'If a man is able to remain pure and motionless, Heaven and Earth will both at once come and dwell in him.' Lî explains thus:-- . Compare T. T. K., ch. 16, and especially Ho-shang Kung's title to it,-- .

251:1 Tâoism thus recognises in man the spirit, the mind, and the body.

251:2 'The six desires' are those which have their inlets in the eyes, cars, nostrils, the tongue, the sense of touch, and the imagination. The two last are expressed in Chinese by shän, 'the body,' and î, 'the idea, or thought.'

251:3 'The three poisons' are greed, anger, and stupidity;--see the Khang-hsî Thesaurus, under .

252:1 In this paragraph we have what Mr. Wylie calls 'the subjection of the mental faculties;' and I must confess myself unable to understand what it is. It is probably another way of describing the Tâoist trance which we find once and again in Kwang-dze, 'when the body becomes like a withered tree, and the mind like slaked lime' (Bk. II, par. 1, et al.). But such a sublimation of the being, as the characteristic of its serene stillness and rest, is to me inconceivable.

253:5_1 This is the consummation of the state of Purity. In explaining the former sentence of the fifth member, Lî Hsî-yüeh uses the characters of T. T. K., ch. 4, , with some variation,-- .

253:1 Compare the T. T. K., ch. 41, 1.

253:2 Compare the T. T. K., ch. 38, 1.

254:1 Our brief Classic thus concludes, and our commentator Li thus sums up his remarks on it:--'The men who understand the Tâo do so simply by means of the Absolute Purity, and the acquiring this Absolute Purity depends entirely on the Putting away of Desire, which is the urgent practical lesson of the Treatise.'

I quoted in my introductory remarks Lî's account of the origin of the Classic by its reputed author Ko Hsüan. I will now conclude with the words which he subjoins from 'a True Man, Zo Hsüan:'--'Students of the Tâo, who keep this Classic in their hands and croon over its contents, will get good Spirits from the ten heavens to watch over and protect their bodies, after which their spirits will be preserved by the seal of jade, and their bodies refined by the elixir of gold. Both body and spirit will become exquisitely ethereal, and be in true union with the Tâo!'

Of this 'True Man, Zo Hsüan,' I have: not been able to ascertain anything. The Divine Ruler of the eastern Hwa, referred to on p. 248, is mentioned in the work of Wang Khî (ch. 241, p. 21b), but with no definite information about him. The author says his surname was Wang, but he knows neither his name nor when he lived.



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Next: Appendix II. Yin Fû King, or 'Classic of the Harmony of the Seen and the Unseen.'

p. 255

APPENDIX II.
Yin Fû King, or 'Classic of the Harmony of the Seen and the Unseen.'
In the Khien-lung Catalogue of the Imperial Library, ch. 146, Part iii, this Book occupies the first place among all Tâoist works, with three notices, which all precede the account of Ho-shang Kung's Commentary on the Tâo Teh King. From the work of Lâo-dze we are conducted along the course of Tâoist literature to the year 1626, when the catalogue of what is called 'the Tâoist Canon 1' appeared. Ch. 147 then returns to the Yin Fû King, and treats of nine other works upon it, the last being the Commentary of Lî Kwang-lî, one of the principal ministers and great scholars in the time of Khien-lung's grandfather, known as Khang-hsî from the name of his reign.

In the first of these many notices it is said that the preface of an old copy assigns the composition of the work to Hwang-Tî (in the 27th century B.C.), and says that commentaries on it had been made by Thâi-kung (12th century B.C.), Fan Lî (5th century B.C.), the Recluse of the Kwei Valley (4th century B.C.), Kang Liang (died B.C. 189), Kû Ko Liang (A.D. 181-234), and Lî Khwan of the Thang dynasty (about the middle of our 8th century) 2. Some writers, going back to the time of Hwang-Tî for the composition of our small classic, attribute it not to that sovereign himself, but to his teacher Kwang Khäng-dze 3;




p. 256

and many of them hold that this Kwang Khäng-dze was an early incarnation of Lâo-dze himself, so that the Yin Fû might well be placed before the Tâo Teh King! Lî Hsî-yüeh is one of the scholars who adopt this view.

I will not say that under the Kâu dynasty there was no book called Yin Fû, with a commentary ascribed to Thâi-kung 1, for Sze-mâ Khien, in his biography of Sû Khin (Bk. lxix), relates how that adventurer obtained 'the Yin Fû book of Kâu,' and a passage in the 'Plans of the Warring States' tells us that the book contained 'the schemes of Thâi-kung 1.' However this may have been, no such work is now extant. Of all the old commentaries on it mentioned in the Khien-lung Catalogue, the only one remaining is the last,--that of Lî Khwan; and the account which we have of it is not to be readily accepted and relied on.

The story goes that in A.D. 441 Khâu Khien-kih, who had usurped the dignity and title of Patriarch from the Kang family, deposited a copy of the Yin Fû King in a mountain cave. There it remained for about three centuries and a half, till it was discovered by Lî Khwan, a Tâoist scholar, not a little damaged by its long exposure. He copied it out as well as he could, but could not understand it, till at last, wandering in the distant West, he met with an old woman, who made the meaning clear to him, at the foot of mount Lî; after which he published the Text with a Commentary, and finally died, a wanderer among the hills in quest of the Tâo; but the place of his death was never known 2.

The Classic, as it now exists, therefore cannot be traced higher than our eighth century; and many critics hold that, as the commentary was made by Lî Khwan, so the text was forged by him. All that Hsî-yüeh has to say in reply to this is that, if the classic be the work of Lî Khwan, then



p. 257

he must think of him as another Kwang Khäng-dze; but this is no answer to the charge of forgery.

As to the name of the Treatise, the force of Fû has been set forth in vol. xxxix, p. 133, in connexion with the title of Kwang-dze's fifth Book. The meaning which I have given of the whole is substantially that of Li Hsî-yüeh, who says that the Yin must be understood as including Yang, and grounds his criticism on the famous dictum in the Great Appendix to the Yî King (vol. xvi, p. 355), 'The successive movement of the Yin and Yang (their rest and active operation) constitutes what is called the course (of things).' Mr. Balfour translates the title by 'The Clue to the Unseen,' which is ingenious, but may be misleading. The writer reasons rather from the Unseen to the Seen than from the Seen to the Unseen.

Mr. Wylie gives his view of the object of the Treatise in these words:--'This short Treatise, which is not entirely free from the obscurity of Tâoist mysticism, professes to reconcile the decrees of Heaven with the current of mundane affairs.' To what extent the Book does this, and whether successfully or not, the reader will be able to judge for himself from the translation which will be immediately subjoined. Li Hsî-yüeh, looking at it simply from its practical object, pronounces it 'hsiû lien kih Shû, a Book of culture and refining 1a.' This language suggests the idea of a Tâoist devotee, who has sublimated himself by the study of this Book till he is ready to pass into the state of an Immortal. I must be permitted to say, however, that the whole Treatise appears to me to have come down to us in a fragmentary condition, with passages that are incapable of any satisfactory explanation.

Ch. 1. 1. If one observes the Way of Heaven 1, and maintains Its doings (as his own) 2, all that he has to do is accomplished.




p. 258

2. To Heaven there belong the five (mutual) foes 1, and he who sees them (and understands their operation) apprehends how they produce prosperity. The same five foes are in the mind of man, and when he can set them in action after the manner of Heaven, all space and time are at his disposal, and all things receive their transformations from his person 2.



p. 259

3. The nature of Heaven belongs (also) to Man; the mind of Man is a spring (of power). When the Way of Heaven is established, the (Course of) Man is thereby determined. 1


4. When Heaven puts forth its power of putting to death, the stars and constellations lie hidden in darkness. When Earth puts forth its power of putting to death, dragons and serpents appear on the dry ground. When Man puts forth his power of putting to death, Heaven and Earth resume their (proper course). When Heaven and Man exert their powers in concert, all transformations have their commencements determined. 4_1


5. The nature (of man) is here clever and there stupid; and the one of these qualities may lie hidden in the other. The abuse of the nine apertures is (chiefly) in the three most important, which may be now in movement and now at rest. When fire arises in wood, the evil, having once begun, is sure to go on to the destruction of the wood. When

p. 260

calamity arises in a state, if thereafter movement ensue, it is sure to go to ruin.

When one conducts the work of culture and refining wisely we call him a Sage. 5_1


2. 1. For Heaven now to give life and now to take it away is the method of the Tâo. Heaven and Earth are the despoilers of all things; all things are the despoilers of Man; and Man is the despoiler of all things. When the three despoilers act as they ought to do, as the three Powers, they are at rest. Hence it is said, 'During the time of nourishment, all the members are properly regulated; when the springs of motion come into play, all transformations quietly take place.' 1_1


2. Men know the mysteriousness of the Spirit's (action), but they do not know how what is not Spiritual comes to be so. The sun and moon have their definite times, and their exact measures as

p. 261

large and small. The service of the sages hereupon arises, and the spiritual intelligence becomes apparent. 2_1


3. The spring by which the despoilers are moved is invisible and unknown to all under the sky. When the superior man has got it, he strengthens his body by it; when the small man has got it, he makes light of his life. 3_1


3. 1. The blind hear well, and the deaf see well. To derive all that is advantageous from one source is ten times better than the employment of a host; to do this thrice in a day and night is a myriad times better. 1_1


2. The mind is quickened (to activity) by (external) things, and dies through (excessive pursuit of) them. The spring (of the mind's activity) is in the eyes.

Heaven has no (special feeling of) kindness, but so it is that the greatest kindness comes from It.

p. 262

The crash of thunder and the blustering wind both come without design. 2_1


3. Perfect enjoyment is the overflowing satisfaction of the nature. Perfect stillness is the entire disinterestedness of it. When Heaven seems to be most wrapt up in Itself, Its operation is universal in its character. 3_1


4. It is by its breath that we control whatever creature we grasp. Life is the root of death, and death is the root of life. Kindness springs from injury, and injury springs from kindness. He who sinks himself in water or enters amidst fire brings destruction on himself. 4_1


p. 263

5. The stupid man by studying the phenomena and laws of heaven and earth becomes sage; I by studying their times and productions become intelligent. He in his stupidity is perplexed about sageness; I in my freedom from stupidity am the same. He considers his sageness as being an extraordinary attainment; I do not consider mine so. 5_1


6. The method of spontaneity proceeds in stillness, and so it was that heaven, earth, and all things were produced. The method of heaven and earth proceeds gently and gradually, and thus it is that the Yin and Yang overcome (each other by turns). The one takes the place of the other, and so change and transformation proceed accordingly. 6_1


7. Therefore the sages, knowing that the method of spontaneity cannot be resisted, take action accordingly and regulate it (for the purpose of culture). The way of perfect stillness cannot be subjected to numerical calculations; but it would seem that there

p. 264

is a wonderful machinery, by which all the heavenly bodies are produced, the eight diagrams, and the sexagenary cycle; spirit-like springs of power, and hidden ghostlinesses; the arts of the Yin and Yang in the victories of the one over the other:--all these come brightly forward into visibility. 7_1



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Footnotes
255:1 .

255:2 See also Ma Twan-lin's great work, ch. 211, p. 18a.

255:3 See Kwang-dze, Bk. XI, par. 4.

256:1 See the Khang-hsî Thesaurus under the combination Yin Fû.

256:2 See the account of Lî Khwan in Wang Khî's continuation of Mâ Twan-lin's work, ch. 242; and various items in the Khien-lung Catalogue.

257:1a Dr. Williams explains 'hsiû lien (  or )' as meaning 'becoming religious, as a recluse or ascetic.'

257:1 To explain 'the Way of Heaven,' Lî Hsî-yüeh adduces the last sentence of the T. T. K., ch. 9, 'When the work is done, and one's name has become distinguished, to withdraw into obscurity is the Way of Heaven.'

257:2 To explain 'the doings of Heaven,' he adduces the first paragraph of the symbolism of the first hexagram of the Yî, 'Heaven in its motion gives the idea of strength. In accordance with this, the superior man nerves himself to ceaseless activity.'

258:1 The startling name thieves (= foes, robbers) here is understood to mean the 'five elements,' which pervade and indeed make up the whole realm of nature, the heaven of the text including also earth, the other term in the binomial combination of 'heaven and earth.' According to the Tâoist teaching, the element of Earth generates Metal, and overcomes Water; Metal generates Water, and overcomes Wood; Water generates Wood, and overcomes Fire; Wood generates Fire, and overcomes Earth. These elements fight and strive together, now overcoming, now overcome, till by such interaction a harmony of their influences arises, and production goes on with vigour and beauty.

258:2 It is more difficult to give an account of the operation of the five elements in the mind of man, though I have seen them distributed among the five viscera, and the five virtues of Benevolence, Righteousness, Propriety, Knowledge, and Faith. Granting, however, their presence and operation in the mind, what shall be said on the two concluding members of the paragraph? There underlies them p. 259 the doctrine of the three coordinate Powers;--Heaven, Earth, and Man, which I have never been able to comprehend clearly.

259:1 These short and enigmatic sentences seem merely to affirm the general subject of the Treatise,--the harmony between the unseen and the seen.

259:4_1 'The power of putting to death here' seems merely to indicate the 'rest' which succeeds to movement. The paragraph is intended to show us the harmony of the Three Powers, but one only sees its meaning darkly. The language of the third sentence about the influence of Man on Heaven and Earth finds its explanation from the phraseology of the thwan of the twenty-fourth hexagram of the Yî (vol. xvi, pp. 107, 108).

260:5_1 The constitution of man is twofold;--his mental constitution, quiet and restful, and his physical constitution, restless and fond of movement. The nine apertures are the eyes, ears, nostrils, mouth, and the lower parts, and of these the eyes, ears, and mouth are the most important; but they all need to be kept in subjection and under restraint. If indulged beyond reason, the ruin of themselves and of the mind and body to which they belong is sure to ensue.

260:1_1 Compare ch. I, par. 2. The mutual contention of the five elements in nature only conduces to the nourishment of all its parts; and so man, as one of the three Powers, consumes only to increase his store, and throws down only to build up.

Where the concluding quotation is taken from is not known. Of course any quotation is inconsistent with the idea of the early origin of the Treatise.

261:2_1 Compare par. 10 in the fifth Appendix to the Yî King.

261:3_1 The thing is good in itself, but its effect will be according to the character of its user, and of the use which is made of it.

261:1_1 That the loss of one sense may be in a manner compensated for by the greater cultivation of another,--in the case especially of the two senses specified,--is a fact; but I fail to perceive how this is illustrated by what follows in the rest of the paragraph. The illustration is taken from the seventh of the hexagrams in the Yî, but I have not discovered the nexus of it in the text of that classic or in the Appendixes on the thwan or hsiang of the hexagram.

It must be from this paragraph that the bearing of the Treatise on the conduct of military operations has been maintained.

262:2_1 Mr. Balfour translates the first member here by--'The mind is produced from matter and dies with matter; the working faculty is in the eye;' and says that it embodies a bold denial of any future life, or the existence of spirit, apart from matter. The meaning of the Text, however, is only what I have given;--is moral and not metaphysical. The eye is singled out from the three most important apertures of the body in ch. I, par. 5.

The rest of the paragraph has its parallelisms in Lâo-dze and Kwang-dze.

262:3_1 A sequel to the preceding paragraph. Lî Hsî-yüeh observes that the having no feeling of kindness is equivalent to Lâo-dze's 'doing nothing.' See the T. T. K., ch. 35, 'The Tâo does nothing, and so there is nothing which It does not do.'

262:4_1 The first member of this paragraph is very difficult to construe. Mr. Balfour gives for it:--'The Laws affecting the animal creation reside in the Breath or Vital Fluid.' The first character of it properly denotes 'birds.' It is often found with another denoting 'quadrupeds;' and again it is found alone denoting both birds and beasts. It is also interchanged with another of the same name, denoting to p. 263 seize or grasp,' in which meaning I have taken it; but the bearing of the saying on the general meaning of the Treatise I have not apprehended.

The next four sayings are illustrations of Lâo-dze's 'contraries' of Tâoism. The final saying is a truism;--is it introduced here as illustrating that whatever is done with design is contrary to the Tâo?

263:5_1 Some scholars have expunged this paragraph as not being genuine; it is certainly difficult to construe and to understand.

263:6_1 Kû Hsî praises this paragraph as very good, and the use of the character Zin ('proceeds gently and gradually') as exquisite. After all, what do we learn from it? That Creation proceeded without striving or crying? And that the same Creative Power continues to act in the same way?

264:7_1 I cannot say that I fully understand this concluding paragraph of the Yin Fû King. One thing is plain from it,--how the Yî King was pressed into the service of the Tâoism that prevailed when it was written. I leave it with the judgment on it, quoted by Lî Hsî-yüeh from a Lû Zhien-hsü. 'The subject-matter of the Yin Fû and Tâo Teh is all intended to set forth the action by contraries of the despoiling powers in nature and society. As to finding in them directions for the government of states, the conduct of war, and the mastery of the kingdom, with such expressions as those about a wonderful machinery by which the heavenly bodies are produced, the eight diagrams, the cycle, spirit-like springs, and hidden ghostlinesses:--they all have a deep meaning, but men do not know it. They who go to the Yin Fû for direction in war and use Lâo-dze for guidance in government go far astray from the meaning of both.'



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Next: Appendix III. Yü Shû King, or 'The Classic of the Pivot of Jade.'

APPENDIX III.
Yü Shû King, or 'The Classic of the Pivot of Jade.'
Mr. Wylie says (Notes, p. 179) that the Pivot of Jade is much used in the ritual services of Tâoism, meaning that it is frequently read in the assemblies of its monks. The object of the Treatise, according to Li Hsî-yüeh, is 'to teach men to discipline and refine their spirit;' and he illustrates the name by referring to the North Star, which is called 'the Pivot of the Sky,' revolving in its place, and carrying round with it all the other heavenly bodies. So the body of man is carried round his spirit and by it, and when the spirit has been disciplined and refined, till it is freed from every obscuring influence, and becomes solid, soft, and strong as jade, the name, 'the Pivot of Jade,' is appropriate to it.

The name of the Treatise, when given at full length, is--'The True Classic of the Pivot of Jade, delivered by the Heaven-Honoured One, Who produces Universal Transformation by the Sound of His Thunder.' To this personage, as Wylie observes, the Tâoists attribute a fabulous antiquity, but there is little doubt that the author was a Hsüan-yang Dze, about the time of the Yüan dynasty (A.D. 1280-1367). From the work of Wang Khî (ch. 243), we learn that this Hsüan-yang Dze was the denomination of Au-yang Yü-yüen, a scion of the famous Âu-yang family. What he says is to the following effect:--

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1. The Heaven-honoured One says, 'All you, Heaven-endowed men, who wish to be instructed

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about the Perfect Tâo, the Perfect Tâo is very recondite, and by nothing else but Itself can it be described. Since ye wish to hear about it, ye cannot do so by the hearing of the ear:--that which eludes both the ears and eyes is the True Tâo; what can be heard and seen perishes, and only this survives. There is (much) that you have not yet learned, and especially you have not acquired this! Till you have learned what the ears do not hear, how can the Tâo be spoken about at all?' 1_1


2. The Heaven-honoured One says, 'Sincerity is the first step towards (the knowledge of) the Tâo; it is by silence that that knowledge is maintained; it is with gentleness that (the Tâo) is employed. The employment of sincerity looks like stupidity; the employment of silence looks like difficulty of utterance; the employment of gentleness looks like want of ability. But having attained to this, you may

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forget all bodily form; you may forget your personality; you may forget that you are forgetting.' 2_1


3. 'He who has taken the first steps towards (the knowledge of) the Tâo knows where to stop; he who maintains the Tâo in himself knows how to be diligently vigilant; he who employs It knows what is most subtle.

'When one knows what is most subtle, the light of intelligence grows (around him); when he can know how to be diligently vigilant, his sage wisdom becomes complete; when he knows where to stop, he is grandly composed and restful.

'When he is grandly composed and restful, his sage wisdom becomes complete; when his sage wisdom becomes complete, the light of intelligence grows (around him); when the light of intelligence grows around him, he is one with the Tâo.

'This is the condition which is styled the True Forgetfulness;--a forgetting which does not forget; a forgetting of what cannot be forgotten.

'That which cannot be forgotten is the True Tâo. The Tâo is in heaven and earth, but heaven and earth are not conscious of It. Whether It seem to have feelings or to be without them, It is (always) one and the same.'

4. The Heaven-honoured One says, 'While I am in this world, what shall I do to benefit life? I occupy myself with this subtle and precious Treatise for the good of you, Heaven-endowed men. Those

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who understand it will be allowed to ascend to the happy seats of the Immortals.

'Students of the Tâo believe that there are (the influences of) the ether and of destiny. But the (conditions of) climate being different, the constitutions received by men are naturally different, and hence they are ascribed to the ether. And the (conditions of) wisdom and stupidity being different, their constitutions as fine and coarse are naturally different, and hence they are ascribed to the destiny. The destiny depends on fate; the ether depends on Heaven.

'The restraints arising from the ether and destiny are the manacles decreed by Heaven. But if one acquire the True Tâo, though stupid, he may become wise; though coarse, he may become fine;--if there only be the decree of fate.

'Stupidity the darkest, and coarseness the densest, are consequences of climate; but the suffering of them and the changing of them may take place, when Heaven and Earth quicken the motive spring. When this is done without the knowledge of men, it is said to take place spontaneously. If it be done with a consciousness of that want of knowledge, it is still said to take place spontaneously. The mystery of spontaneity is greater than that of knowledge; but how it comes to be what it is remains a thing unknown. But as to the Tâo, It has not begun to come under the influence of what makes stupid and coarse. Hear this all ye Heaven (-endowed) men; and let all the multitude in all quarters rejoice.' 1



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Footnotes
266:1_1 'Heaven-honoured (Thien Zun)' is a title given by the Tâoists to the highest objects of their reverence and worship. Chalmers translates it by 'Celestial Excellency,' and observes that it is given to 'all the Three Pure Ones;' but its application is much more extensive, as its use in this Treatise sufficiently proves. No doubt it was first adopted after the example of the Buddhists, by whom Buddha is styled 'World-honoured,' or 'Ever-honoured' (Shih Zun).

The phrase Thien Zän, which I have translated here 'Heaven-endowed Men,' is common to the three religions of China; but the meaning of it is very different in each. See the Confucian and the Tâoist significations of it in the Khang-hsî Thesaurus, under the phrase. Here it means 'the men possessed by the Tâo;--Tâo-Zän of the highest class.' In a Buddhist treatise the meaning would be 'Ye, devas and men.'

267:2_1 'All this,' says Lî Hsî-yüeh, 'is the achievement of vacuity, an illustration of the freedom from purpose which is characteristic of the Tâo.' Compare par. 14 in the sixth Book of Kwang-dze.

268:1 It may be considered as a proof of the difficulty of the Text that to this long paragraph Lî Hsî-yüeh does not subjoin a single explanatory remark.



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Next: Appendix IV. Zäh Yung King, or 'Classic of the Directory for a Day.'

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APPENDIX IV.
Zäh Yung King, or 'Classic of the Directory for a Day.'
I have nowhere found any mention of the author of this brief composition, or of its date. The use of Buddhistic expressions in it shows that it cannot have had a very early origin. It belongs to the same category of Tâoist writings as the Khing Käng King, which is the first of these appendixes. Lî Hsî-yüeh says, 'The Treatise is called "the Directory for a Day," as showing that during all the hours (the Tâo) should not be left for a single instant (comp. the words of Confucius at the beginning of the Kung Yung). Let the work be done, and there is sure to be the result promised; only there must be the Purity insisted on both of body and mind. In the second paragraph it is said, "During the twelve hours of the day let the thoughts be constantly fixed on absolute Purity;" and in the last paragraph, "During the twelve hours be always pure and undefiled; "--thus showing what the main teaching of the Great Tâoistic system is, and the pre-eminent place which Purity occupies in the "Directory for a Day." The style is so clear and simple that I have left it without note or comment.'

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1. As to what should be done in a day, when the eating and drinking has been arranged, let one sit straight with his mouth shut, and not allow a single thought to arise in his mind. Let him forget everything, and keep his spirit with settled purpose. Let

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his lips be glued together, and his teeth be firmly pressed against one another. Let him not look at anything with his eyes, nor listen to a single sound with his ears. Let him with all his mind watch over his inward feelings. Let him draw long breaths, and gradually emit them, without a break, now seeming to breathe, and now not. In this way any excitement of the mind will naturally disappear, the water from the kidneys will rise up, the saliva will be produced in the mouth, and the real efficaciousness becomes attached to the body. It is thus that one acquires the way of prolonging life.

2. During the twelve hours of the day let one's thoughts be constantly fixed on absolute Purity. Where one thought (of a contrary kind) does not arise, we have what we call Purity; where nothing (of a contrary kind) enters the Tower of Intelligence (= the mind), we have what we call the Undefiled. The body is the house of the breath; the mind is the lodging of the spirit. As the thoughts move, the spirit moves; as the spirit moves, the breath is distributed. As the thoughts rest, the spirit rests when the spirit rests, the breath is collected.

The true powers of the five elements unite and form the boat-like cup of jade, (after partaking of which), the body seems to be full of delicious harmony. This spreads like the unguent of the chrismal rite on the head. Walking, resting, sitting, sleeping, the man feels his body flexible as the wind, and in his belly a sound like that of thunder. His ears hear the songs of the Immortals, that need no aid from any instrument; vocal without words, and resounding without the drum. The spirit and the breath effect a union and the bloom of

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childhood returns. The man beholds scenes unfolded within him; Spirits of themselves speak to him; he sees the things of vacuity, and finds himself dwelling with the Immortals. He makes the Great Elixir, and his spirit goes out and in at its pleasure. He has the longevity of heaven and earth, and the brightness of the sun and moon. He has escaped from the toils of life and death. 1


3. Do not allow any relaxation of your efforts, During all the hours of the day strive always to be

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pure and undefiled. The spirit is the child of the breath; the breath is the mother of the spirit.

As a fowl embraces its eggs, do you preserve the spirit and nourish the breath. Can you do this without intermission? Wonderful! wonderful! The mystery becomes still deeper!

In the body there are seven precious organs, which serve to enrich the state, to give rest to the people, and to make the vital force of the system full to overflowing. Hence we have the heart, the kidneys, the breath, the blood, the brains, the semen, and the marrow. These are the seven precious organs. They are not dispersed when the body returns (to the dust). Refined by the use of the Great Medicine, the myriad spirits all ascend among the Immortals. 1



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Footnotes
271:1 Accustomed to the phraseology of the Text all his life, the commentator Lî, as has been seen, did not think it necessary to append here any notes of explanation. A few such notes, however, will be welcome to an English reader. 'The twelve hours of the day:'--a Chinese hour is equal to two of our hours, and their twelve to our twenty-four. The twelve hours are named by the twelve branch terms of the cycle.

'The boat-like cup of jade' seems to be a satisfactory rendering of the Chinese characters tâo kwei in the Text, which might be translated 'knife, and jade-symbol.' But Tâo, commonly meaning 'knife,' is in the Shih King (I, v; VII, 2) used of 'a small boat.' In the Khang-hsî Thesaurus, under the phrase, we have the following quotation, as if from Ko Hung's Biographies of Immortals: 'Khän Hsî, a native of the territory of Wû, was studying the Tâo in Shû, when the master Lâo sent a beautiful young lady to him with a tray of gold and a cup of jade filled with medicine, and the message, "This is the mysterious elixir; he who drinks it will not die." And on this he and his wife had each a tâo kwei.' See the account in Ko Hung's work, which is much more diffuse.

In the mention of 'the chrismal rite' there is a reference to what Dr. Williams calls 'a kind of Buddhist baptism or holy unction, by sprinkling, which confers goodness,' 'administered to children, idols, &c.' (See under the characters kwân and ting.)

272:1 If we were sure that we had exactly hit the meaning and spirit of every part of this paragraph, it would hardly be worth while to give more space to its illustration.

A sufficient number of the best of the Treatises of the later Tâoism have been placed before the reader to show him how different they are from the writings of Lâo and Kwang, and how inferior to them. It might seem as if Kwang-dze, when be ceased to write, had broken the staff of Tâoism and buried it many fathoms in the earth. We can hardly wonder that Confucianists, such as Kû Hsî, should pronounce, 'What the sect of Tâo chiefly attend to is,--the preservation of the breath of life;' and that Buddhists, such as Liû Mî, should say of it, 'Long life being attained, its goal is reached.'



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Next: Appendix V. Analyses by Lin Hsî-kung of several of the Books of Kwang-dze

Sacred Texts  Taoism  Index  Previous  Next 

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APPENDIX V.
Analyses by Lin Hsî-kung of several of the Books of Kwang-dze.
BOOK I.
The Hsiâo-yâo in the title of this Book denotes the appearance of perfect ease and satisfaction. The Yû, which conveys the idea of wandering or rambling about, is to be understood of the enjoyment of the mind. The three characters describe the chief characteristic of our 'Old Kwang's' life, and therefore he placed the Book at the beginning of his more finished compositions or essays.

But when one wishes to enjoy himself in the fullest and freest way, he must first have before him a view like that of the wide sea or of the expanse of the air, in order that his mind may be free from all restraint, and from the entanglements of the world, and that it may respond in the fitting way to everything coming before it:--it is only what is Great that can enter into this enjoyment. Throughout the whole Book, the word Great has a significant force.

In paragraph 1 we are presented with the illustration of the phäng. Long was the journey which it would undertake, when it contemplated removing to the South. That it required a wind of 90,000 lî to support it, and even then only rested after a flight of six months, was owing to its own Great size, and also because the Southern Ocean was not to be easily reached by a single effort.

What is said, in paragraph 2, about men, when going anywhere, proportioning the provisions which they take

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with them to the length of the journey has the same meaning. How should such creatures as the cicada and the little dove be able to know this? Knowledge is great or small, because the years of the parties are many or few:--so it is that one is inferior to another. Have they not heard of the ming-ling and tâ-khun, which make their spring and autumn for themselves? And so does the phäng, as we may understand. Its not resting till the end of six months is really not a long time to it. The case of Phäng Zû is not worth being taken into account.

This description of the greatness of the phäng is not any fabrication of our author's own, nor any statement peculiar to the Khî Hsieh. The same things are told in the 'Questions of Thang to Kî,' as in paragraph 3.

As to the long journey of the phäng and the marsh-quail's laughing at it, that is not different from what the other two little creatures said above;--arising simply from the difference between the great and the small. And what difference is there between this and the case of those who enjoy themselves for a season in the world? Yung-dze of Sung is introduced (and immediately dismissed), as not having planted himself in the right position, and not being Great. Then Lieh-dze is brought forward, and dismissed as not being Great, because he had something to wait for. It is only he who rides on the twofold primal ether of the Yin and Yang, driving along with the six elements through all their changes as they wax and wane, and enjoying himself at the gate of death, that can be pronounced Great. This is what is called the Perfect Man; the Spirit-like Man; and the Sage Man.

In illustration of this, as instances of the Great Man, we have, in paragraph 4, Hsü Yû, regardless of the name; the personage on the hill of Kû-shih, in paragraph 5, with no thought of the services he could perform; and Yâo with his deep-sunk eyes, in paragraph 6, no longer thinking much of his throne, and regardless of himself. All these characteristics could be used, and made their possessor great; but let not this lead to a suspicion of greatness as

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incompatible with usefulness. As a caution against this, we have, in paragraph 7, the salve to keep the hands from being chapped;--a Great thing when used properly, but of little value when not so used. Let those who exercise their minds look at this:--should they not seek to be useful, and so become Great? We have also the weasel and the yak, the one of which gets into trouble by its being of use, while the other escapes harm by its being of no use. Let those who have work to do in the world look at this. The Great calabash and the Great tree are, each of them, a phäng:--why may we not abandon ourselves to our natural feeling of enjoyment in connexion with them? Let men be satisfied with their Greatness and seek for nothing more.

As to the style of the Book, the sudden statement and the sudden proof; the sudden illustration and the sudden reasoning; the decision, made to appear as no decision; the connexion, now represented as no connexion; the repetition, turning out to be no repetition:--these features come and go on the paragraphs, like the clouds in the open firmament, changing every moment and delightful to behold.

Lû Fang-hû describes it well:--'The guiding thread in the unspun floss; the snake sleeping in the grass.'

BOOK II.
In writings intended to throw light on the Tâo we find many different views, affirmations on one side and denials on the other. These may be called Controversies, and the reason why they are not adjusted is that every one will hold fast to his own view. But every peculiar view arises from the holder's knowledge. Such knowledge, however, tends to the injury of his mind, and serves no purpose, good or bad, in illustrating the nature of the Tâo;--it only increases the confusion of controversy. Hence when we wish to adjust controversies, we must use our knowledge well; and to use our knowledge well, we must stop at the point beyond which it does not extend.

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In this whole Book knowing and not knowing is the thread that runs through it, (and binds its parts together). The expressions about men's being 'in darkness,' in paragraph 2, and the Tâo's being 'obscure,' in paragraph 3, indicate the want of knowledge; those, also in paragraph 3, about 'the light of the mind,' and 'throwing that light on a subject,' indicate the good use of knowledge; those, in paragraph 5, about 'the scintillations of light from the midst of confusion and perplexity,' and 'the store of light,' in paragraph 7, indicate the stopping at the point to which our knowledge does not extend. And what is to be done when we stop at this point? Nothing more can be done; we have simply, as it is said in paragraph 6, to stop here.

When Nan-kwo Dze-khî says, in paragraph 1, 'I had lost myself,' he fully expresses the subject-matter of the Book. If we think that the affirmations and denials made by men's minds are fictions, made out from nothing to be something, that is like the myriad different sounds of the wind, suddenly appearing in their innumerable variations. But who is it that produces all these sounds? As is said in paragraph 2, they are 'the sounds of Earth which are really the notes of Heaven.' The minds of men speak from their possession of knowledge. However great or small their words may be, they are all of their own making. A discourse under a thousand Heads with a myriad Particulars, suddenly arising and as suddenly stopping, may suggest the idea of what we call 'a True Ruler.' But the idea is vague, and though our knowledge does not reach to such a subject, men toil their intelligence to the end of their lives, never stopping till both mind and body are exhausted. What is the reason of this? It is because they have their 'minds completely made up (par. 3).'

Now if words were like the chirpings of very young birds that come upon the ear, there would be no difference between them as regards truth or falsehood, right or wrong; but there is some obscuring influence, through which the different views of the Literati and Mohists are produced, with their confusion and uncertainty. All this is because

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the parties do not use their knowledge well. In their controversies each looks at the other's view only from his own standpoint, and throwing on the subject from that the light of Heaven, thus emptily replying to one another without end. And is this purposely intended to make a violent end of their disputations? (It is not so), for the Tâo is originally one. High and low, beautiful and ugly, ordinary and strange, success and overthrow, have nothing to do with it. The intelligent know this; those who weary their minds in trying to bring about a unity do not know it. At this point the sages throw on the subject the light of Heaven, also wishing to rest in Heaven, and so they come to a natural union:--this is how they use their knowledge well.

And what are we to consider the highest reach of knowledge (see par. 5)? The ancients thought it necessary to place this in the time before anything began to be. A second class would have it that there had (always) been (some) things; and a third class held that between those things (and men) there had been a relativity. Thus it was that gradually there came differences of opinion, in affirmations and denials; and when these once arose, there could not but be the experiences of success and failure.

But any one-sidedness in controversy is not sufficient to be accounted a proof of success or of failure. Not only is the Tâo radically one; but those who employ it, however they may seem to differ, will be found to be substantially one and the same. When the sages, in the midst of slippery confusion and doubtful perplexity, yet find the clearness of conviction, is it not because they place the controversies that we speak of among the things that are not to be used?

But if there were no affirmations and denials, there would be no words. And let me think here. Suppose there were no words of controversy, we must not infer from that that there were no words at all. Is this word correct? Then if I also employ it, I form one class with all who do so? Is it not correct? Then if I also deny it, I form another class with those who do the same. Formerly,

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when speaking of men's words, I said that they should change places, and look at things from the different standpoints of each other; so with reference to my own words, my holding my 'Yea,' does not interfere with my changing my place, and taking my position with those who say 'Nay' in the case. If indeed there be no words of affirmation and denial, what words will there be? We must go back to the beginning when there were no words. We must go back still farther,--to the vacuity before the beginning when there were no words. If we try to go back even farther still, then great and small, long life and short life, heaven and earth and all things, fade away, blending together in the One. But that ONE is also a word. In this way we go on without end, wishing to make an end of controversy, and instead of doing that, our endeavour only serves to increase it. The better plan is to stop, as is proposed in a former paragraph, to stop at this point.--Even this word about having no controversy may be spared.

The sage, by avoiding discussion, reasoning, and the drawing of distinctions, while he availed himself of words, yet retained the advantage of eschewing words, and was also afraid of calling the demarcations (of propositions) by their eight qualities (see par. 7). Still, however, the trace of the use of words remained with him. It is not so in the case of the Great Tâo and the Great Argument. The Tâo (which is displayed) is not the Tâo; the Argument (which is most subtle) does not reach the point; the degree of Non-action is very great; but notwithstanding it is difficult to speak of what is entirely empty of purpose. The way by which the knowledge of the ancients reached the highest point was their stopping when their knowledge extended no farther. If they could know what they did not know, it was by means of the Heavenly Treasure-house; it was thus they could take their place in the centre of the circle, to which all lines converged, and from which all questions could be answered. If they added what they did know to the sum of what they did not know, they then

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possessed the Store of Light; and it was thus that they made provision for the scintillations of slippery doubt.

To the same effect was what Shun told Yâo (end of par. 7). As to the referring what is advantageous and what is hurtful, and the mysteries of life and death, to the sphere of the unknown, that is set forth in the conversation between Nieh Khüeh and Wang Î (par. 8).

As to how it is that rulers and grooms, other men and one's self, do not know each other, that is seen in the conversation between Khü Zhiâo-dze and Khang-wû Dze.

As to what is said about the substance and shadow waiting on each to make their manifestations, and not knowing how they were brought about, and about the dreamer and the man awake doubting about each other, and not knowing how to distinguish between them, we have knowledge stopping at the point to which it does not extend, and gradually entering into the region of transformation.

Is there anything still remaining to be done for the adjustment of controversy? One idea grows up out of another in the Book, and one expression gives rise to another apparently quite different. There is a mutual connexion and reference between its parts. Suddenly the style is difficult as the slope of Yang-khang, and vanishes like the path of a bird; suddenly it looks like so many steep cliffs and successive precipices. When ordinary scholars see this and cannot trace the connexion of thought, if they put it on one side, and did not venture to say anything about it, they might be forgiven. But when they dare to follow their prejudices, and to append their licentious explanations, breaking up the connexion of thought, and bringing down to the dust this wonderful composition, the admiration of thousands of years;--ah! when the old Kwang took his pencil in hand, and proceeded to write down his thoughts, why should we be surprised that such men as these cannot easily understand him?

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BOOK VI.
'The Great and most Honoured Master' is the Tâo. It appears separately in the Heavenly and Human elements (of our constitution), and exists alone and entire in what is beyond death and life; being, as we say, that which nothing can be without. To describe it as that which stands out superior and alone, we use for it the character Koh ( ) (par. 5); to describe it as abiding, we call it the True; to describe it as it vanishes from sight, we apply to it the names of Purity, Heaven, and Unity (par. 12).

When men value it, it is possible to get possession of it. But he who wishes to get it must, with the knowledge which he has attained to, proceed to nourish what that knowledge is still ignorant of. When both of these are (as it were) forgotten, and he comes under the transformation of the Tâo, he enters into the region in which there is neither life nor death;--to the Human element (in him) he has added the Heavenly.

Now what knowledge does not know is the time of birth and death, and what it does know is what comes after birth and precedes death. It would seem as if this could be nourished by the exercise of thought; but if we do this after birth and before death, we must wait for the time of birth and death to verify it. If we try to do so before that time, then the circumstances of the Human and the Heavenly have not yet become subject to their Ruler. It is this which makes the knowledge difficult, and it is only the True Man with the True Knowledge who has no anxiety about it.

In the position which the True man occupies, he has his adversities and prosperities, his successes and defeats, his gains and his losses, his seasons of security and of unrest, all the changes of his circumstances; but his mind forgets them all, and this result is due to his possession of both the Knowledge and the Tâo.

As to his bodily conditions, he has his sleeping and

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awaking, his eating and resting,--his constant experiences; but his mind (also) forgets them all. For the springs of action which move to the touch of Heaven, and the movements of desire are indeed different in men; but when we advance and examine the proper home of the mind, we find no difference between its place and nature at the time of birth and of death, and no complication in these after birth and before death:--so it is that the Mind, the Tâo, the Heavenly, and the Human are simply One. Is not the unconsciousness of the mind the way in which the True man exercises his knowledge and nourishes it? Carrying out this unconsciousness, from the mind to the body and from the body to the world, he comprehends the character of the time and the requirements of everything, without any further qualification. Hence, while the mind has not acquired this oblivion, the great work of life always suffers from some defect of the mind, and is not fit to be commended. But let the mind be able to exercise this quality, and it can be carried out with great and successful merit, and its admirable service be completed. This is the mind of the True man, never exercised one-sidedly in the world, and gaining no one-sided victory either Heavenward or Manward.

Given the True Man with the True Knowledge like this, the nature of death and life may begin to be fully described. Death and life are like the night and the dawn;--is there any power that can command them? Men cannot preside over them. This is what knowledge does not extend to; but within the sphere of knowledge, there is that which is dearer than a Father (par. 5), and more to be honoured than a Ruler; the Eminent, the True, and that moreover over which Heaven cannot preside. Valuable therefore is the nourishing of this Knowledge; and what other art in nourishing it is there but the unconsciousness of which we speak? Why do we say so? The body is born, grows old and dies. This is the common lot. However skilful one may be in hiding it away, it is sure to disappear. Men know that the body is not easily got, but

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they do not know that what might seem like man's body never comes to an end. Being hidden away in a place from which there is no escape for anything, it does not disappear. This takes place after birth and before death, and may be verified at the times of birth and death; but how much better it is to consider Heaven good, old age good, the beginning good and the end good, than vainly to think that the nourishing of knowledge is making the body good! The doing this is what is called the Tâo. And the sage enjoys himself in this; not only because the Tâo itself does not disappear, but also because of all who have got it not a single one has ever passed away from notice.

But it is not easy to describe the getting of the Tâo. In the case about which Nü Yü told Nan-po Dze-khwei (par. 8); the talents of a sage and the Tâo of a sage came together in the study of it; three, seven, and nine days are mentioned as the time of the several degrees of attainment; the learner went on from banishing all worldly matters from his mind as foreign to himself till he came to the utter disregard of time. In this way was he led from what was external, and brought inwards to himself; then again from the idea of the Tâo's being a thing, it was exhibited as Tranquillity amid all Disturbances, and he was carried out of himself till he understood that neither death nor life is more than a phenomenon. The narrator had learned all this from writings and from Lo-sung, searching them, and ever more the more remote they were. Truly great is the difficulty of getting the Tâo!

And yet it need not be difficult. It was not so with Dze-yü (par. 9), in whose words about one arm being transformed into a fowl, and the other into a cross-bow, we see its result, as also in what he said about his rump-bone being transformed into a wheel, his spirit into a horse, and one loosing the cord by which his life is suspended.

(Again) we have a similar accordance (with the Tâo) in Dze-lî's question to Dze-lâi (par. 10), about his being made the liver of a rat or the arm of an insect, with the latter's reply and his remark about the furnace of a founder.

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These were men who had got the Tâo; as also were Dze-fan and Khin Kang (par. 11), men after the Maker's mind, and who enjoyed themselves, disporting in the one vital ether of heaven and earth.

The same may be said of Mäng-sun Zhâi (par. 12). If he had undergone a transformation, he would wait for the future transformation of which he did know. So it was that he obtained the Tâo. He and all the others were successful through the use of their mental unconsciousness; and they who pursue this method, must have the idea of I-r Dze, who wished to have his branding effaced, and his dismemberment removed by hearing the substance of the Tâo (par. 13).

Parties who have not lost the consciousness of their minds and wish to do so must become like Yen Hui (par. 4), who separated the connexion between his body and mind, and put away his knowledge, till he became one with the Great Pervader.

Of such as have lost (in part) the consciousness of their minds and wish. to do so entirely, we have an instance in Dze-sang (par. 15), thinking of Heaven and Earth and of his parents as; ignorant of his (miserable) condition, and then ascribing it to Destiny. He exhibited the highest obliviousness:--was he not, with the knowledge which he possessed, nourishing that of which he was ignorant? Such were the True Men, and such was the True Knowledge.

In this Book are to be found the roots of the ideas in the other six Books of this Part. In this they all unite. It exhibits the origin of all life, sets forth the reality of all cultivation, and shows the springs of all Making and Transformation, throwing open the door for the Immortals and Buddhas. Here is the wonderful Elixir produced by the pestle of jade, the touch of which by a finger produces the feathers of Transformation. As to its style, a vast lake of innumerous wavelets, the mingling of a hundred sparkling eddies, a collection of the oldest achievements in composition, a granary filled with all woods;--it is only in the

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power of those who admire the leopard's spots to appreciate it!

BOOK IX.
Governing the world is like governing horses. There is the government, but the only effect of it is injury. Po-lâo's management of horses (par. 1) in a way contrary to their true nature was in no respect different from the way of the (first) potter and the (first) carpenter in dealing with their clay and wood in opposition to the nature of those substances, yet the world praises them all because of their skill, not knowing wherein the good government of the world consists.

Now the skilful governors of the world simply caused the people to fulfil the conditions of their regular nature (par. 2). It was their gifts which they possessed in common, and their Heaven-inspired instincts, which constituted the (Early) age of Perfect Virtue. When the sages fashioned their benevolence, righteousness, ceremonies, and music, and the people then began to lose their perfect virtue, it was not that they had themselves become different. For benevolence, righteousness, ceremonies, and music, are not endowments forming a part of their regular nature;--they are practised only after men have laid aside the Tâo and its characteristics, and abandoned the guidance of their nature and its feelings. This is what we say that the mechanic does when he hacks and cuts the raw materials to form his vessels. Why should we doubt that it was by Po-lâo's dealing with horses that they became wise enough to play the part of thieves (par. 3); and that it was by the sages' government of the people that their ability Came to be devoted to the pursuit of gain? The error of the sages in this cannot be denied.

From beginning to end this Book is occupied with one idea. The great point in it grew out of the statement in paragraph 3 of the previous Book, that 'all men are furnished with certain regular principles,' and it is the easiest to construe of all Kwang-dze's compositions; but

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the general style and illustrations are full of sparkling vigour. Some have thought that, where the ideas are so few, there is a waste of words about them, and they doubt therefore that the Book was written by some one imitating Kwang-dze; but I apprehend no other hand could have shown such a mastery of his style.

BOOK XI.
That the world is not well governed is because there are those who try to govern it. When they try to govern it, they cannot but be 'doing' (to that end). Unable to keep from this 'doing,' they cause the world to be happy or to be miserable, both of which things the instincts of man's nature refuse to accept. Although the arts of governing are many, they only cause and increase disorder. Why so? Because they interfere with men's minds.

Now when men are made to be miserable or happy, they come to have great joy or great dissatisfaction. The condition ministers to the expansive or the opposite element (in nature), and the four seasons, the cold and the heat, all lose their regularity. This causes men everywhere in a contentious spirit to indulge their nature to excess, bringing about a change of its attributes, and originating the practice of good and evil. All unite in bringing this state about; and in the end all receive its consequences. Hence such men as Kih the robber, Zäng Shän, and Shih Zhûi ought not to be found in a well-governed age. But those who governed the world went on to distinguish between the good and the bad, and occupied themselves with rewarding and punishing. When they wished men to rest in the requirements of their nature, was it not difficult for them to realise the wish?

And how much more was it so when they went on in addition to insist on acute hearing and clear vision, on benevolence, righteousness, ceremonies, music, sageness, and knowledge (par. 2)! They did not know that these eight things were certainly of no use to the world, but injurious to it. Led astray by them, and not perceiving

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this, they continued to practise them, and to do this every day more and more. This is what we see indeed in the ordinary men of the world, but not what we should have expected from superior men. The Superior man does nothing, and rests in the instincts of his nature. He values and loves his own person, which fits him to be entrusted with the charge of the world, and thereupon we see things becoming transformed of themselves. Yes, we see indeed that men's minds are not to be interfered with (par. 3).

Let me try to attest this from (the example of) the ancient Tîs and Kings. These in their interference with the minds of men, began with their inculcation of benevolence and righteousness, proceeded to their distinctions of what was right and wrong, and ended with their punishments and penalties. Their government of the world ended with the disordering of it. And the result can be seen, the Literati and the Mohists still thinking how they can remedy them.

But let us ask who it really was that brought things to this pass. The answer is supplied to us in the words of Lâo Tan (see T. T. K., ch. 19), 'Abolish sageness and cast away wisdom, and the world will be brought to a state of good order.' But the issue does not commence with the state of the world. When Kwang Khäng-dze replied to Hwang-Tî's questions, he said (par. 4), 'Watch over your body, and increase the vigour of things. Maintain the unity, and dwell in the harmony.' What he said, about the rain descending before the clouds collected, about the trees shedding their leaves before they were yellow, about the light (of the sun and moon) hastening to extinction, about Hwang-Tî's mind being that of a flatterer of which he would make no account, and about how he should do nothing but rest in the instincts of his nature, and not interfere with the minds of men:--all these are expressions bearing on the value and love which should be given to the body. And the lesson in his words does not end with the watching over the body.

There are the words addressed by Hung Mung to Yün

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Kiang, 'Nourish in your mind a great agreement (with the primal ether). (Things) return to their root, and do not know (that they are doing so). As to what you say, that "the mysterious operations of Heaven are not accomplished, that the birds all sing at night, that vegetation withers under calamity, and that insects are all overtaken by disaster:--about all these things there is no occasion for anxiety." While you do nothing, rest in the promptings of your human nature, and do not interfere with the minds of men;--such is the genial influence that attracts and gathers all things round itself (par. 2).'

But the Superior man's letting the world have its own course in this generous way;--this is what the ordinary men of the world cannot fathom. When such men speak about governing, they examine carefully between others and themselves, and are very earnest to distinguish between differing and agreeing. Their only quest is to find how they may overcome others, and the end is that they are always overcome by others. They do not know that in order to reduce others to the level of things, there must be those who cannot be reduced by others to that level. Those are said to be the sole possessors of the power (par. 6).

The teaching of the Great man, however, is not of this nature. He responds to others according to their qualities, without any selfish purpose. Although he is the sole possessor of the power, that power comes to be nothing in his view. Between having and not having there is to him no difference in the use. Doing nothing, and yet sometimes obliged to act, he forthwith does so; when he acts, yet no one sees that he has acted, and it is the same as if he did not act. So it is according to the Tâo; but therein there are both the Heavenly and the Human elements. In accordance with this there are (in actual government) the Lord and the Minister (par. 7). When one discerns this, and knows which element is to be preferred, convinced that it is doing nothing which is valuable, what difficulty has he in governing the world?

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The thread of connexion running through this Book is 'Doing Nothing.' Whether it speaks of the promptings of the nature or of the minds of men, it shows how in regard to both there must be this 'doing nothing.' In the end, with much repetition it distinguishes and discusses, showing that what doing there may be in doing nothing need not trouble us, and is not the same as the 'Extinction' of the Buddhists. There is not much difference between the teaching of this Book, and what we read in the Confucian Analects, 'He did nothing and yet governed efficiently (Bk. XV, ch. iv).' This is an instance of the light thrown by our 'old Kwang' on the King, and shows how an understanding may take place between him and our Literati.

In the style there are so many changes and transformations, so many pauses and rests as in music, conflicting discussions, and subtle disquisitions, the pencil's point now hidden in smoke and now among the clouds, the author's mind teeming with his creations, that no one who has not made himself familiar with a myriad volumes should presume to look and pronounce on this Book.

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APPENDIX VI.
List of Narratives, Apologues, and Stories of various kinds in the Writings of Kwang-dze.
BOOK I.
Paragraph 1. The enjoyment of the Tâo by such vast creatures as the Khwän and the Phäng.

2. The enjoyment and foolish judgments of smaller creatures. Big trees and Phäng Zû.

3. Questions put by Thang to Kî. The Tâo in different men:--Yung-dze; Lieh-dze; and an ideal Tâoist. The Perfect man, the Spirit-like man, and the Sagely-minded man.

4. Yâo wishing to resign the throne to Hsü Yû.

5. Kien Wû and Lien Shû on the ideal Tâoist.

6. A cap-seller of Sung. Yâo after visiting the four Perfect ones.

7. Hui-dze and Kwang-dze:--the great calabashes; the hand-protecting salve; and the great Ailantus tree.

BOOK II.
Par. 1. Nan-kwo Dze-khî in a trance, and his disciple. The notes of heaven, earth, and man.

4. 'In the morning three:'--the monkeys and their acorns.

7. Yâo and Shun,--on the wish of the former to smite some small states.

9. Lî Kî before and after her marriage.

10. The penumbra and the shadow. Kwang-dze's dream that he was a butterfly.

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BOOK III.
Par. 2. King Wän-hui and his cook;--how the latter cut up his oxen.

3. Kung-wän Hsien and the Master of the Left who had only one foot.

4. The death of Lâo-dze; and adverse judgment on his life.

BOOK IV.
Pars. 1, 2. Yen Hui and Confucius;--on the proposal of the former to go and convert the ruler of Wei.

3, 4. Dze-kâo and Confucius;--on the mission of the former from Khû to Khî.

5. Yen Ho and Kü Po-yü;--on the former's undertaking to be tutor to the wayward son of duke Ling of Wei.

6. The master-mechanic and the great tree;--so large and old through its uselessness.

7. Nan-po Dze-khî and the great tree, preserved by its uselessness. Trees of Sung cut down because of their good timber. Peculiarities exempting from death as sacrificial victims.

8. The deformed object Shû and his worth.

9. Rencontre between Confucius and the madman of Khû.

BOOK V.
Par. 1. Confucius explains the influence of the cripple Wang Thâi over the people of Lû.

2. The fellow-students Dze-khân and the cripple Shän-thû Kiâ.

3. Confucius and Toeless of Shû-shan. judgment of Toeless and Lâo-dze on Confucius.

4. Duke Âi of Lû and Confucius;--on the ugly but most able and fascinating man, Âi-thâi Tho. Admiration for Confucius of duke Âi.

5. The deformed favourites of duke Ling of Wei and duke Hwan of Khî. Argument between Kwang-dze and Hui-dze, growing out of the former's account of them.

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BOOK VI.
Par. 8. Nan-po Dze-khwei and the long-lived Nü Yü. How Pû-liang Î learned the Tâo.

9. Four Tâoists, and the submission of Dze-yü, one of them, a poor deformed hunchback, to his lot, when he was very ill.

10. The submission of Dze-lâi, another of the four, as his life was ebbing away.

11. Three Tâoists, and the ways of two of them on the death of the third. Conversation on the subject between Confucius and Dze-kung.

12. Confucius and Yen Hui on the mourning of Mäng-sun Zhâi.

13. Î-r Dze and Hsü Yû. How the Tâo will remove the injuries of error, and regenerate the mind.

14. Confucius and Yen Hui. The growth of the latter in Tâoism.

15. Dze-yü and Dze-sang. The penury of the latter and submission to his fate.

BOOK VII.
Par. 1. Nieh Khüeh, Wang Î, and Phû-î-dze. That Shun was inferior in his Tâoistic attainments to the more ancient sovereign, Thâi.

2. Kien Wû and the recluse Khieh-yü;--on the ideal of government.

3. Thien Kan and a nameless man;--that non-action is the way to govern the world.

4. Yang Dze-kü and Lâo Tan on the nameless government of the Intelligent Kings.

5. Lieh-dze and his master Hû-dze. How the latter defeated the wizard of Käng.

6. The end of Chaos, wrought by the gods of the southern and northern seas.

BOOK VIII.
Par. 4. How two shepherd slaves lose their sheep in

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different ways. The corresponding cases of the righteous Po-î and the robber Kih.

BOOK X.
Par. 1. Murder of the ruler of Khî by Thien Khäng-dze, and his usurpation of the State.

2. How the best and ablest of men, such as Lung-fäng, Pî-kan, Khang Hung, and Dze-hsü, may come to a disastrous end, and only seem to have served the purposes of such men as the robber Kih.

3. Evils resulting from such able men as Zäng Shän, Shih Khiû, Yang Kû, Mo Tî, Shih Khwang, Khui, and Lû Kû.

4. Character of the age of Perfect Virtue, and sovereigns who flourished in it in contrast with the time of Kwang-dze.

BOOK XI.
Par. 3. Zhui Khü and Lâo-dze. The latter denounces the meddling with the mind which began with Hwang-Tî, and the spread of knowledge, as productive of all evil.

4. Hwang-Tî and Kwang Khäng-dze, his master, who discourses on the mystery of the Tâo, and how it promotes long life.

5. Yün Kiang and Hung Mung, or the Leader of the Clouds and the Great Ether;--the wish of the former to nourish all things, and how they would be transformed by his doing nothing.

BOOK XII.
Par. 4. The loss and recovery by Yâo of his dark-coloured Pearl;--the Tâo.

5. Hsü Yû's reply to Yâo on the character of Nieh Khüeh and his unfitness to take the place of Sovereign.

6. Yâo rejects the good wishes for him of the Border-warden of Hwâ.

7. Yü and Po-khang Dze-kâo. The latter vindicates his resignation of dignity and taking to farming.

9. Confucius and Lâo-dze;--on the attitude to the Tâo of a great sage and ruler.

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10. Kiang-lü Mien and Ki Khêh;--on the counsel which the former had given to the ruler of Lû.

11. Dze-kung and the old gardener;--argument of the latter in favour of the primitive simplicity, and remarks thereon by Confucius.

12. Kun Mâng and Yüan Fung;--on the government of the sage; of the virtuous and kindly man; and of the spirit-like man.

13. Män Wû-kwei and Khih-kang Man-khî;--that there had been confusion and disorder before the time of Shun; and the character of the age of Perfect Virtue.

BOOK XIII.
Par. 6. Yâo and Shun;--on the former's method of government.

7. Confucius, wishing to deposit some writings in the royal Library, is repulsed by Lâo-dze. Argument between them on Benevolence and Righteousness in relation to the nature of man.

8. Shih-khäng Khî and Lâo-dze;--the strange conferences between them, and the charges brought by the one against the other.

10. Duke Hwan and the wheelwright Phien;--that the knack of an art cannot be conveyed to another, and the spirit of thought cannot be fully expressed in writing.

BOOK XIV.
Par. 2. Tang, a minister of Shang, and Kwang-dze on the nature of Benevolence.

3. Pei-män Khäng and Hwang-Tî;--a description of Hwang-Tî's music, the Hsien-khih.

4. Yen Yüan and Kin, the music-master of Lû, on the course of Confucius;--the opinion of the latter that it had been unsuccessful and was verging to entire failure.

5. Confucius and Lâo-dze. The former has not yet got the Tâo, and Lâo-dze explains the reason.

6. Confucius and Lâo-dze. Confucius talks of Benevolence

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and Righteousness; and how the tables are turned on him. He is deeply impressed by the other.

7. Dze-kung, in consequence of the Master's report of his interview, goes also to see Lâo-Sze; and is nonplussed and lectured by him.

8. Confucius sees Lâo-dze again, and tells him how he has profited from his instructions. The other expresses his satisfaction with him.

BOOK XVI.
Par. 2. The state of Perfect Unity, and its gradual Decay.

BOOK XVII.
Pars. 1-7. The Spirit-earl of the Ho and Zo of the Northern Sea;--on various metaphysical questions growing out of the doctrine of the Tâo.

8. The khwei, the millipede, the serpent, the wind, the eye, and the mind;--how they had their several powers, but did not know how.

9. Confucius in peril in Khwang is yet serene and hopeful.

10. Kung-sun Lung and Mâu of Wei. The Frog of the dilapidated well, and the Turtle of the Eastern Sea. The greatness of Kwang-dze's teachings.

11. Kwang-dze refuses the invitation of the king of Khû to take office. The wonderful tortoise-shell of the king.

12. Hui-dze and Kwang-dze. The young phoenix and the owl.

13. Hui-dze and Kwang-dze;--how Kwang-dze understood the enjoyment of fishes.

BOOK XVIII.
Par. 2. Hui-dze and Kwang-dze;--vindication by the latter of his behaviour on the death of his wife.

3. Mr. Deformed and Mr. One-foot;--their submission under pain and in prospect of death.

4. Kwang-dze and the skull;--what he said to it, and its appearance to him at night in a dream.

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5. The sadness of Confucius on the departure of Yen Hui for Khî; and his defence of it to Dze-kung. The appearance of a strange bird in Lû, and his moralizings on it.

6. Lieh-dze and the skull. The transmutations of things.

BOOK XIX.
Par. 2. Lieh-dze and Kwan Yin;--on the capabilities of the Perfect man.

3. Confucius and the hunchback, who was skilful at catching cicadas with his rod.

4. The boatman on the gulf of Khang-shan, and his skill.

5. Thien Khâi-kih and duke Wei of Kâu;--on the best way to nourish the higher life. How it was illustrated by Thien's master, and how enforced by Confucius.

6. The officer of sacrifice and his pigs to be sacrificed.

7. Duke Hwan gets ill from seeing a ghostly sprite, and how he was cured.

8. The training of a fighting-cock.

9. Confucius and the swimmer in the gorge of Lü.

10. Khing, the worker in rottlera wood, and the bell-frame;--how he succeeded in making it as he did.

11. Tung-yê Kî and his chariot-driving;--how his horses broke down.

12. The skill of the artisan Shui.

14. The weakling Sun Hsiû and the Master Dze-pien Khing-dze, with his disciples.

BOOK XX.
Par. 1. Kwang-dze and his disciples;--the great tree that was of no use, and the goose that could not cackle.

2. Î-liâo of Shih-nan and the marquis of Lû;--how the former presses it on the marquis to go to an Utopia of Tâoism in the south, to escape from his trouble and sorrow.

3. Pei-kung Shê and prince Khing-kî;--how the former collected taxes and made a peal of bells.

4. How the Thâi-kung Zän condoled with Confucius on his distresses, and tried to convert him to Tâoism.

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5. Confucius and Dze-sang Hû. The Tâoistic effect of their conversation on the former. The dying charge of Shun to Yü.

6. Kwang-dze in rags before the king of Wei. The apologue of the climbing monkey.

7. Confucius and Yen Hui;--on occasion of the perilous situation between Khän and Zhâi. Confucius expounds the principles that supported him.

8. Kwang-dze's experiences in the park of Tiâo-ling;--has the character of an apologue.

9. The Innkeeper's two concubines;--the beauty disliked and the ugly one honoured.

BOOK XXI.
Par. 1. Thien Dze-fang and the marquis Wän of Wei.

2. Wän-po Hsüeh-dze and the scholars of the Middle States.

3. Confucius and Yen Hui;--on the incomprehensibleness to the latter of the Master's course.

4. Conversation between Confucius and Lâo-dze on the beginning of things.

5. Kwang-dze and duke Âi of Lû;--on the dress of the scholar.

6. Pâi-lî Hsî.

7. The duke of Sung and his map-drawers.

8. King Wän and the old fisherman of Zang. Confucius and Yen Hui on king Wän's dream about the fisherman.

9. The archery of Lieh-dze and Po-hwän Wû-zän.

10. Kien Wû, and Sun Shû-âo, the True man. Confucius's account of the True man. The king of Khû and the ruler of Fan.

BOOK XXII.
Par. 1. Knowledge, Dumb Inaction, Head-strong Stammerer, and Hwang-Tî on the Tâo.

3. Nieh Khüeh questioning Phei-î about the Tâo.

4. Shun and his minister Khäng;--that man is not his own.

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5. Confucius and Lâo Tan;--on the Perfect Tâo.

6. Tung-kwo Dze's question to Kwang-dze about where the Tâo was to be found, and the reply.

7. Â-ho Kan, Shän Näng, Lâo-lung Kî, Yen Kang;--Grand Purity, Infinitude, Do-nothing, and No-beginning:--on what the Tâo is.

8. Star-light and Non-entity.

9. The Minister of War and his forger of swords.

10. Zin Khiû and Confucius;--how it was before heaven and earth.

11. Confucius and Yen Hui:--No demonstration to welcome, no movement to meet.

BOOK XXIII.
Par. 1. Käng-sang Khû and the people about Wei-lêi hill.

2. Käng-sang Khû and his disciples. He repudiates being likened by them to Yâo and Shun.

3. Käng-sang Khû and the disciple Nan-yung Khû.

4-12. Lâo-dze lessoning Nan-yung Khû on the principles of Tâoism.

BOOK XXIV.
Pars. 1, 2. Hsü Wû-kwei, Nü Shang, and the marquis Wû of Wei:--Hsü's discourses to the marquis.

3. Hwang-Tî, with six attending sages, in quest of the Tâo, meets with a wise boy herding horses.

5. Debate between Kwang-dze and Hui-dze, illustrating the sophistry of the latter.

6. The artisan Shih cleans the nose of a statue with the wind of his axe; but declines to try his ability on a living subject.

7. Advice of Kwan Kung on his death-bed to duke Hwan of Khî about his choice of a successor to himself.

8. The king of Wû and the crafty monkey. His lesson from its death to Yen Pû-î.

9. Nan-po Dze-khî and his attendant Yen Khäng-dze.

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The trance is the highest result of the Tâo. Practical lesson to be drawn from it.

10. Confucius at the court of Khû along with Sun Shû-âo and Î-liâo.

11. Dze-khî, and his eight sons, with the physiognomist Kiû-fang Yän.

12. Nieh Khüeh meets Hsü Yû fleeing from the court of Yâo.

BOOK XXV.
Par. 1. Zeh-yang seeking an introduction to the king of Khû. Î Kieh, Wang Kwo, and the recluse Kung-yüeh Hsiû.

3. The ancient sovereign Zän-hsiang; Thang, the founder of the Shang dynasty; Confucius; and Yung-khäng Dze.

4. King Yung of Wei and his counsellors:--on his desire and schemes to be revenged on Thien Mâu of Khî. Tâi Zin-zän and his apologue about the horns of a snail.

5. Confucius and the Recluse at Ant-hill in Khû.

6. The Border-warden of Khang-wû's lessons to Dze-lâo. Kwang-dze's enforcement of them.

7. Lâo-dze and his disciple Po Kü:--that the prohibitions of Law provoke to transgression.

8. The conversion to Tâoism of Kü Po-yü.

9. Confucius and the historiographers;--about the honorary title of duke Ling of Wei.

10. Little Knowledge and the Correct Harmonizer:--on the Talk of the Hamlets and Villages.

11. On the namelessness of the Tâo; and that Tâo is but a borrowed or metaphorical name.

BOOK XXVI.
Par. 2. Against delaying to do good when it is in one's power to do it. The apologue of Kwang-dze meeting with a goby on the road.

3. The big fish caught by the son of the duke of Zän.

4. The Resurrectionist Students.

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5. How Lâo Lâi-dze admonished Confucius.

6. The dream of the ruler Yüan of Sung about a tortoise.

7. Hui-dze and Kwang-dze;--on the use of being useless.

11. Illustrations of the evil accruing from going to excess in action, or too suddenly taking action.

BOOK XXVII.
Par. 2. Kwang-dze and Hui-dze on Confucius;--did he change his views in his sixtieth year?

3. Confucius and his other disciples:--on Zäng-dze and his twice taking office with different moods of mind.

4. Yen Khing Dze-yû tells his Master Tung-kwo Dze-khî of his gradual attainments.

5. The penumbrae and the shadows.

6. Lâo-dze's lessoning of Yang Dze-khî, and its effects on him.

BOOK XXVIII.
Par. 1. Yâo's proffers of the throne to Hsü Yû and Dze-kâu Kih-fû. Shun's proffers of it to Dze-kâu Kih-po, to Shan Küan, and to the farmer of Shih-hû. Thâi-wang Than-fû and the northern tribes. Prince Sâu of Yüeh.

2. Counsel of Dze-hwâ Dze to the marquis Kâo of Han.

3. The ruler of Lû and the Tâoist Yen Ho, who hides himself from the advances of the other.

4. Lieh-dze and his wife, on his declining a gift from the ruler of Käng.

5. The high-minded and resolute sheep-butcher Yüeh, and king Kâo of Khû.

6. The poor Yüan Hsien and the wealthy Dze-kung. Zäng-dze, in extreme poverty, maintaining his high and independent spirit. The satisfaction of Confucius in Yen Hui refusing, though poor, to take any official post.

7. Prince Mâu of Kung-shan, living in retirement, was not far from the Tâo.

8. Confucius and the disciples Yen Hui, Dze-lû, and Dze-kung, during the perilous time between Khän and Zhâi.

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9. Shun and the northerner Wû-kâi who refuses the throne. Thang, and Pien Sui and Wû Kwang, who both refused it.

10. The case of the brothers Po-î and Shû-khî, who refused the proffers of king Wû.

BOOK XXIX.
Par. 1. The visit of Confucius to the robber Kih, and interview between them.

2. Dze-kang and Mân Kâu-teh (Mr. Full of Gain-recklessly-got) on the pursuit of wealth.

3. Mr. Dissatisfied and Mr. Know-the-Mean;--on the pursuit and effect of riches.

BOOK XXX.
How Kwang-dze dealt with the king of Kâo and his swordsmen, curing the king of his love of the sword-fight. The three Swords.

BOOK XXXI.
Confucius and the Old Fisherman;--including the story of the man who tried to run away from his shadow.

BOOK XXXII.
Par. 1. Lieh-dze and the effect of his over-manifestation of his attractive qualities. Failure of the warnings of his master.

2. The sad fate of Hwan of Käng, a Confucianist, who resented his father's taking part with his Mohist brother.

5. Kû Phing-man and his slaughtering the dragon.

8. Kwang-dze's rebuke or Zhâo Shang for pandering to the king of Sung, and thereby getting gifts from him.

9. Description to duke Âi of Lû of Confucius by Yen Ho as unfit to be entrusted with the government.

11. Khâo-fû the Correct, and his humility.

12. Kwang-dze's rebuke of the man who boasted of having received chariots from the king of Sung, and comparison of him to the boy who stole a pearl from under the chin of the Black Dragon when he was asleep.

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13. Kwang-dze declines the offer of official dignity. The apologue of the sacrificial ox.

14. Kwang-dze, about to die, opposes the wish of his disciples to give him a grand burial. His own description of what his burial should be.

BOOK XXXIII.
Par. 1. The method of the Tâo down to the time of Confucius.

2. The method of Mo Tî and his immediate followers.

3, 4. The method of Mo's later followers.

5. The method of Kwan Yin and Lâo-dze.

6. The method of Kwang-dze.

7. The ways of Hui Shih, Kung-sun Lung, and other sophists.



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Next: Appendix VII. The Stone Tablet in the Temple of Lâo-Dze. By Hsieh Tâo-Häng of the Sui Dynasty


p. 311

APPENDIX VII.
I.
THE STONE TABLET IN THE TEMPLE OF LÂO-DZE. BY HSIEH TÂO-HÄNG OF THE SUI DYNASTY 1.
1. After the Thâi Ki (or Primal Ether) commenced its action, the earliest period of time began to be unfolded.


p. 312

The curtain of the sky was displayed, and the sun and moon were suspended in it; the four-cornered earth was established, and the mountains and streams found their places in it. Then the subtle influences (of the Ether) operated like the heaving of the breath, now subsiding and again expanding; the work of production went on in its seasons above and below; all things were formed as from materials, and were matured and maintained. There were the (multitudes of the) people; there were their rulers and superiors.

2. As to the august sovereigns of the highest antiquity, living as in nests on trees in summer, and in caves in winter, silently and spirit-like they exercised their wisdom. Dwelling like quails, and drinking (the rain and dew) like newly-hatched birds, they had their great ceremonies like the great terms of heaven and earth, not requiring to be regulated by the dishes and stands; and (also) their great music corresponding to the common harmonies of heaven and earth, not needing the guidance of bells and drums.

3. By and by there came the loss of the Tâo, when its Characteristics took its place. They in their turn were lost, and then came Benevolence. Under the Sovereigns and Kings that followed, now more slowly and anon more rapidly, the manners of the people, from being good and simple, became bad and mean. Thereupon came the Literati and the Mohists with their confused contentions; names and

p. 313

rules were everywhere diffused. The 300 rules 1 of ceremony could not control men's natures; the 3000 rules 1 of punishment were not sufficient to put a stop to their treacherous villanies. But he who knows how to cleanse the current of a stream begins by clearing out its source, and he who would straighten the end of a process must commence with making its beginning correct. Is not the Great Tâo the Grand Source and the Grand Origin of all things?

4. The Master Lâo was conceived under the influence of a star. Whence he received the breath (of life) we cannot fathom, but he pointed to the (plum-) tree (under which he was born), and adopted it as his surname 2; we do not understand 2 whence came the musical sounds (that were heard), but he kept his marvellous powers concealed in the womb for more than seventy years. When he was born, the hair on his head was already white, and he took the designation of 'The Old Boy' (or Lâo-dze). In his person, three gateways and two (bony) pillars formed the distinctive marks of his ears and eyes; two of the symbols for five, and ten brilliant marks were left by the wonderful tread of his feet and the grasp of his hands. From the time of Fû-hsî down to that of the Kâu dynasty, in uninterrupted succession, dynasty after dynasty, his person appeared, but with changed names. In the times of kings Wän and Wû he discharged the duties, (first), of Curator of the Royal Library 3, and (next), of the Recorder under the Pillar 3. Later on in that dynasty he filled different offices, but did




p. 314

not change his appearance. As soon as Hsüan Nî 1 saw him, he sighed over him as 'the Dragon,' whose powers are difficult to be known 2. Yin (Hsî), keeper of the (frontier) gate, keeping his eyes directed to every quarter, recognised 'the True Man' as he was hastening into retirement. (By Yin Hsî he was prevailed on) to put forth his extraordinary ability, and write his Book in two Parts 3,--to lead the nature (of man) back to the Tâo, and celebrating the usefulness of 'doing nothing.' The style of it is very condensed, and its reasoning deep and far-reaching, The hexagram which is made up of the 'dragons on the wing 4' is not to be compared with it in exquisite subtlety. (The Zo Kwan) which ends with the capture of the Lin, does not match it in its brightness and obscurity. If employed to regulate the person, the spirit becomes clear and the will is still. If employed to govern the state, the people return to simplicity, and become sincere and good. When one goes on to refine his body in accordance with it, the traces of material things are rolled away from it; in rainbow-hued robes and mounted on a stork he goes forwards and backwards to the purple palace; on its juice of gold and wine of jade 5 he feasts in the beautiful and pure capital. He is lustrous as the sun and moon; his ending and beginning are those of heaven and earth. He who crosses its stream, drives away the dust and noise of the world; he who finds its gate, mounts prancing up on the misty clouds. It is not for the ephemeral fly to know the fading and luxuriance of the Tâ-khun 6, or for a Fäng-î 7 to fathom the depth of an Arm of the sea. Vast indeed (is the Tâo)! words are not sufficient to describe its excellence and powers!

5. Kwang Kâu tells us, that, 'when Lâo Tan died,








p. 315

Khin Shih went to condole (with his son), but after crying out three times, immediately left the house 1.' This was what is called the punishment for his neglecting his Heaven (-implanted nature), and although it appears as one of the metaphorical illustrations of the supercilious officer, yet there is some little indication in the passage of the reappearance of the snake after casting its exuviae 2.

[At this point the author leaves the subject of the Tâo and its prophet, and enters on a long panegyric of the founder of the Sui dynasty and his achievements. This sovereign was the emperor Wän ( ) the founder of Sui ( ), originally Yang Kien, a scion of the House of Sui, a principality whose name remains in Sui-kâu, of the department Teh-an in Hû Pei. He was certainly the ablest man in the China of his day, and deserves a portion of the praise with which Mr. Hsieh celebrates him after his extravagant fashion. He claimed the throne from the year 581. While doing honour to Confucianism, he did not neglect the other two religions in the empire, Tâoism and Buddhism; and having caused the old temple of Lâo-dze to be repaired in grand style in 586, he commissioned Hsieh Tâo-häng to superintend the setting up in it a commemorative Tablet of stone.

I pass over all this, which is related at great length, and proceed to give the inscription. It occupies no fewer than 352 characters in 88 lines, each consisting of four characters. The lines are arranged in what we may call eleven stanzas of equal length, the second, fourth, sixth, and eighth lines of each rhyming together. There is a good deal of art in the metrical composition. In the first six stanzas the rhyming finals are in the even tone and one of the deflected tones alternately. In the last five stanzas this arrangement is reversed. The rhymes in 7, 9, and 11 are deflected, and in 8 and 10 even. The measure of four characters is the most common in the Shih King or Ancient Book of Poetry.



p. 316

[paragraph continues] It continued to be a favourite down to the Thang dynasty, after which it fell very much into disuse. Through the many assonances of the Chinese characters, and the attention paid to the tones, we have in Chinese composition much of the art of rhyming, but comparatively little of the genius of poetry.]

II.
THE INSCRIPTION.
St. 1. Back in the depths of ancient time;
Remote, before the Tîs began;
Four equal sides defined the earth,
And pillars eight the heaven sustained.
All living things in classes came,
The valleys wide, and mighty streams.
The Perfect Tâo, with movement wise,
Unseen, Its work did naturally.

St. 2. Its power the elements 1 all felt;
The incipient germs of things 2 appeared.
Shepherd and Lord established were,
And in their hands the ivory bonds 3.
The Tîs must blush before the Hwangs 4;
The Wangs must blush before the Tîs 4.
More distant grew Tâo's highest gifts,
And simple ways more rare became.

St. 3. The still placidity was gone,
And all the old harmonious ways.
Men talents prized, and varnished wit;
The laws displayed proved but a net.





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Wine-cups and stands the board adorned,
And shields and spears the country filled.
The close-meshed nets the fishes scared:
And numerous bows the birds alarmed.

St. 4. Then did the True Man 1 get his birth,
As 'neath the Bear the star shone down 2.
All dragon gifts his person graced;
Like the stork's plumage was his hair.
The complicated he resolved 3, the sharp made blunt 3,
The mean rejected, and the generous chose;
In brightness like the sun and moon,
And lasting as the heaven and earth 3.

St. 5. Small to him seemed the mountains five 4,
And narrow seemed the regions nine 4;
About he went with lofty tread,
And in short time he rambled far.
In carriage by black oxen drawn 5,
Around the purple air was bright.
Grottoes then oped to him their sombre gates,
And thence, unseen, his spirit power flowed forth.

St. 6. The village near the stream of Ko 6
Traces of him will still retain 6;
But now, as in the days of old,
With changèd times the world is changed.







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His stately temple fell to ruin
His altar empty was and still;
By the nine wells dryandras grew 1,
And the twin tablets were but heaps of stone.

St. 7. But when our emperor was called to rule,
All spirit-like and sage was he.
Earth's bells reverberated loud,
And light fell on the heavenly mirror down.
The universe in brightness shone,
And portents all were swept away;
(All souls), or bright or dark 2, revered,
And spirits came to take from him their law.

St. 8. From desert sands 3 and where the great trees grow 3,
From phoenix caves, and from the dragon woods,
All different creatures came sincere;
Men of all regions gave their hearts to him.
Their largest vessels brought their gifts,
And kings their rarest things described;
Black clouds a thousand notes sent forth;
And in the fragrant winds were citherns heard 4.

St. 9. Through his transforming power, the tripods were made sure;
And families became polite and courteous.





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Ever kept he in mind (the sage) beneath the Pillar 1,
Still emulous of the sovereigns most ancient 2.
So has he built this pure temple,
And planned its stately structure;
Pleasant, with hills and meadows around,
And lofty pavilion with its distant prospect.

St. 10. Its beams are of plum-tree, its ridge-pole of cassia;
A balustrade winds round it; many are its pillars;
About them spreads and rolls the fragrant smoke 3;
Cool and pure are the breezes and mists.
The Immortal officers come to their places 4;
The Plumaged guests are found in its court 4,
Numerous and at their ease,
They send down blessing, bright and efficacious.

St. 11. Most spirit-like, unfathomable,
(Tâo's) principles abide, with their symbolism attached 5.
Loud is Its note, but never sound emits 6,
Yet always it awakes the highest echoes.
From far and near men praise It;
In the shades, and in the realms of light, they look up for Its aid;
Reverently have we graven and gilt this stone
And made our lasting proclamation thereby to heaven and earth.








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Footnotes
311:1 Hsieh Tâo-häng , called also Hsüan-khing ( ), was one of the most famous scholars and able ministers of the Sui dynasty (581-618), and also an eloquent writer. His biography is given at considerable length in the fifty-seventh chapter of the Books of Sui.

For about 200 years after the end of the Zin dynasty, the empire had been in a very divided and distracted state. The period is known as the epoch of 'The Southern and Northern Dynasties,' no fewer than nine or ten of which co-existed, none of them able to assert a universal sway till the rise of Sui. The most powerful of them towards the end of the time was 'The Northern Kâu,' in connexion with the Wû-khäng ( ) reign of which (558-561) the name of our Hsieh first appears. In the Wû-phing ( ) reign of 'The Northern Khî (570 ,576),' we find him member of a committee for revising the rules of 'The Five Classes of Ceremonial Observances,' and gaining distinction as a poet.

When the emperor Wän ( ), by name Yang Kien ( ), a scion of the ruling House of Sui, a small principality in the present Hû-pei, and founder of the dynasty so called, had succeeded in putting down the various conflicting dynasties, and claimed the sovereignty of the empire in 581, Hsieh freely yielded his allegiance to him, and was employed in the conduct of various affairs. The important paper, of the translation of the greater part of which a translation is here attempted, was the outcome of one of them. Wän Tî regularly observed the Confucian worship of God, but also kept up the ceremonies of Buddhism and Taoism. Having repaired the dilapidated temple of Lâo-dze at his birth-place, he required from Hsieh an inscription for the commemorative tablet in it, the composition of which is referred to the year 586, 'the sixth year of Sui's rule over all beneath the sky.'

Hsieh appears to have been a favourite with the emperor Wän, but when Wän was succeeded in 605 by his son, known as Yang Tî ( ),his relations with p. 312 the throne became less happy. Offended by a memorial which Hsieh presented, and the ground of offence in which we entirely fail to perceive, the emperor ordered him to put an end to himself. Hsieh was surprised by the sentence, and hesitated to comply with it, on which an executioner was sent to strangle him. Thus ended the life of Hsieh Tâo-häng in his seventieth year. His death was regretted and resented, we are told, by the people generally. A collection of his writings was made in seventy chapters, and was widely read. I do not know to what extent these have been preserved; if many of them have been lost, and the paper, here in part submitted to the reader, were a fair specimen of the others, the loss must be pronounced to be great. Of this paper I have had two copies before me in translating it. One of them is in Ziâo Hung's 'Wings to Lao-dze;' the other is in 'The Complete Works of the Ten Philosophers.' Errors of the Text occur now in the one copy, now in the other. From the two combined a Text, which must be exactly correct or nearly so, is made out.

313:1 Compare vol. xxviii, p. 323; par. 38.

313:2 Li ( ), a plum-tree. For this and many of the other prodigies mentioned by Hsieh, see what Julien calls 'The Fabulous Legend of Lâo-dze,' and has translated in the Introduction to his version of the Tâo The King. Others of them are found in the Historical, or rather Legendary, Introduction in the 'Collection of Tâoist Treatises,' edited by Lû Yü in 1877.

313:3 The meaning of the former of these offices may be considered as settled;--see the Dote in Wang Kän-kâi's edition of the 'Historical Records (1870),' under the Biography of Lâo-dze. The nature of the second office is not so clearly ascertained. It was, I apprehend, more of a literary character than the curatorship.

314:1 Confucius, who was styled after the beginning of our era for several centuries 'Duke Nî, the Illustrious.'

314:2 See vol. xxxix, pp. 34, 35.

314:3 See vol. xxxix, p. 35.

314:4 The Khien or first of all the hexagrams of the Yî King; but the sentence is to be understood of all the hexagrams,--of the Yî as a whole.

314:5 Compare Pope's line, 'The juice nectareous, and the balmy dew.'

314:6 Vol. xxxix, p. 166.

314:7 Vol. xxxix, p. 244.

315:1 Vol. xxxix, p. 201.

315:2 Referring, I suppose, to the illustration of the fire and the faggots.

316:1 'The five essences;' meaning, I think, the subtle power and operation of the five elements.

316:2 So Williams, under Wei ( ). See also the Khang-hsî Thesaurus under the phrase .

316:3 'Bonds' with written characters on them superseded the 'knotted cords' of the primitive age. That the material of the bonds should be, as here represented, slips of ivory, would seem to anticipate the progress of society.

316:4 The Hwangs ( ) preceded the Tîs in the Tâoistic genesis of history; and as being more simple were Tâoistically superior to them; so it was with the Tîs and the Wangs or Kings.

317:1 This of course was Lâo-dze.

317:2 See above, p. 313, par. 4.

317:3 In the Tâo Teh King, p. 50, par. 2, and p. 52, par. 1. The reading of line 7 is different in my two authorities in the one , in the other  suppose the correct reading should be  and have given what I think is the meaning.

317:4 Two well-known numerical categories. See Mayers's Manual, pp. 320, 321, and p. 340.

317:5 So it was, according to the story, that Lâo-dze drew near to the barrier gate, when he wished to leave China.

317:6 The Ko is a river flowing from Ho-nan into An-hui, and falling into the Hwâi, not far from the district city of Hwâi-yüan. It enters the one province from the other in the small department of Po ( ), in which, according to a Chinese map in my possession, Lâo-dze was born. The Khang-hsî Thesaurus also gives a passage to the effect that the temple of his mother was hereabouts, at a bend in the Ko.

318:1 The nine wells, or bubbling springs, near the village where Lao was born, are mentioned by various writers; but I fail to see how the growth of the trees about them indicated the ruin of his temple.

318:2 I have introduced the 'all souls' in this line, because of the  in the second character. Williams defines the first character, yao as 'the effulgence of the sun,' and of 'heavenly bodies generally;' the second ( ) is well known as meaning 'the animal soul,' and 'the dark disk of the moon.' The Thesaurus, however, explains the two characters together as a name for the pole star ( ; see Analects I, i); and perhaps I had better have followed this meaning.

318:3 The 'desert sands' were, no doubt, what we call 'the desert of Gobi.' The trees referred to were 'in the extreme East.' The combination phan-mû is not described more particularly.

318:4 This and the three preceding lines are not a little dark.

319:1 'The (sage) beneath the Pillar' must be Lâo-dze. See above in the Introductory notice, p. 313.

319:2 See the note on the meaning of the epithet  vol. xxxix, p. 40.

319:3 'The smoke,' I suppose, 'of the incense, and from the offerings.'

319:4 Tâoist monks are called 'Plumaged or Feathered Scholars ( ),' from the idea that by their discipline and pills, they can emancipate themselves from the trammels of the material body, and ascend (fly up) to heaven. Arrived there, as Immortals or Hsien ( ), it further appears they were constituted into a hierarchy or society, of which some of them were 'officers,' higher in rank than others.

319:5 An allusion to the text of the hexagrams of the Yî King, where the explanations of them by king Wän,--his thwan, are followed by the symbolism of their different lines by the duke of Kâu,--his hsiang.

319:6 See the Tâo Teh King, ch. xli, par. 2.



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Next: Appendix VIII. Record for the Sacrificial Hall of Kwang-dze. By Sû Shih.

p. 320

APPENDIX VIII.
RECORD FOR THE SACRIFICIAL HALL OF KWANG-DZE. BY SÛ SHIH 1.
1. Kwang-dze was a native (of the territory) of Mäng and an officer in (the city of) Khî-yüan. He had been dead for more than a thousand years, and no one had up to this time sacrificed to him in Mäng. It was Wang King, the assistant Secretary of the Prefect, who superintended the erection of a Sacrificial Hall (to Kwang-dze), and (when the building was finished) he applied to me for


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a composition which might serve as a record of the event; (which I made as follows):--

2. According to the Historical Records (of Sze-mâ Khien), Kwang-dze lived in the time of the kings Hui of Liang (B.C. 370-333 [?]) 1 and Hsüan of Khî (B.C. 332-314). There was no subject of study to which he did not direct his attention, but his preference was for the views of Lâo-dze; and thus it was that of the books which he wrote, containing in all more than ten myriad characters, the greater part are metaphorical illustrations of those views. He made 'The Old Fisherman,' 'The Robber Kih,' and 'The Cutting Open Satchels,' to deride the followers of Confucius, and to set forth the principles of Lâo-dze. (So writes Sze-mâ Khien, but) his view is that of one who had only a superficial knowledge of Kwang-dze. My idea is that Kwang wished to support the principles of Khung-dze, though we must not imitate him in the method which he took to do so. (I will illustrate my meaning by a case of a different kind):--A prince of Khû 2 was once hurrying away from the city in disguise 2, when the gate-keeper refused to let him pass through. On this his servant threatened the prince with a switch, and reviled him, saying, 'Slave, you have no strength!' On seeing this, the gate-keeper allowed them to go out. The thing certainly took place in an irregular way, and the prince escaped by an inversion of what was right;--he seemed openly to put himself in opposition, while he was secretly maintaining and supporting. If we think that his servant did not love the prince, our judgment will be wrong; if we think that his action was a model for imitation in serving a prince, in that also we shall be wrong. In the same way the words of Kwang-dze are thrown out in a contradictory manner, with which the tenor of his writing does not agree. The correct interpretation,



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of them shows them to be far from any wish to defame Khung-dze.

3. And there is that in the style which slightly indicates his real meaning. (In his last Book for instance), when discussing the historical phases of Tâoism, he exhibits them from Mo Tî, Khin Hwâ-lî, Phäng Mäng, Shän Tâo, Thien Pien, Kwan Yin, and Lâo Tan, down even to himself, and brings them all together as constituting one school, but Confucius is not among them 1. So great and peculiar is the honour which he does to him!

4. I have had my doubts, however, about 'The Robber Kih (Bk. XXIX),' and 'The Old Fisherman (Bk. XXXI),' for they do seem to be really defamatory of Confucius. And as to 'The Kings who have wished to Resign the Throne (Bk. XXVIII)' and 'The Delight in the Sword-fight (Bk. XXX);' they are written in a low and vulgar style, and have nothing to do with the doctrine of the Tâo. Looking at the thing and reflecting on it, there occurred to me the paragraph at the end of Book XXVII ('Metaphorical Language'). It tells us that 'when Yang Dze-kü had gone as far as Khin, he met with Lâo-dze, who said to him, "Your eyes are lofty, and you stare; who would live with you? The purest carries himself as if he were defiled, and the most virtuous seems to feel himself defective." Yang Dze-kü looked abashed and changed countenance. When he first went to his lodging-house, the people in it met him and went before him. The master of it carried his mat for him, and the mistress brought to him the towel and comb. The lodgers left their mats and the cook his fire-place, as he went past them. When he went away, the others in the house would have striven with him about (the places for) their mats.'

After reading this paragraph, I passed over the four intermediate Books,--the Zang Wang, the Yüeh Kien, the Yü Fû, and the Tâo Kih, and joined it on to the first paragraph of the Lieh Yü-khâu (Book XXXII). I then read how Lieh-dze had started to go to Khî but came back


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when he had got half-way to it. (When asked why he had done so), he replied, 'I was frightened, I went into ten soup-shops to get a meal, and in five of them the soup was set before me before I had paid for it.' Comparing this with the paragraph about Yang Dze-kü, the light flashed on me. I laughed and said, 'They certainly belong to one chapter!'

The words of Kwang-dze were not ended; and some other stupid person copied in (these other four Books) of his own among them. We should have our wits about us, and mark the difference between them. The division of paragraphs and the titles of the Books did not proceed from Kwang-dze himself, but were introduced by custom in the course of time 1.

Recorded on the 19th day of the 11th month of the first year of the period Yüan Fäng (1078-1085).



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Footnotes
320:1 The elder of two brothers, both famous as scholars, poets, and administrators in the history of their country, and sons of a father hardly less distinguished. The father (A.D. 1009-1066) was named Sû Hsün ( ) with the designation of Ming-yun ( ), and the two names of locality, Lâo-khwan ( ) and Mei-shân ( ). Of the two brothers the elder (1036-1101), author of the notice here adduced, was the more celebrated. His name was Shih and his designation Dze-kân ( ); but he is more frequently styled Tung-pho ( ), from the situation of a house which he occupied at one time. His life was marked by several vicissitudes of the imperial favour which was shown to him and of the disgrace to which he was repeatedly subjected. He was versed in all Chinese literature, but the sincerity of his Confucianism has not been called in question. His brother (1039-1112), by name Keh ( ), by designation Dze-yû ( ) and by locality Ying-pin ( ) has left us a commentary on the Tâo Teh King, nearly the whole of which is given by Ziâo Hung, under the several chapters. It seems to have been Keh's object to find a substantial unity under the different forms of Confucian, Buddhistic, and Tâoist thought.

The short essay, for it is more an essay than 'a record,' which is here translated is appended by Ziâo Hung to his 'Wings to Kwang-dze.' It is hardly worthy of Shih's reputation.

321:1 Compare vol. xxxix, pp. 36, 37, 39, Sze-mâ Khien enters king Hui's death in this year. The 'Bamboo Books' place it sixteen years later, see 'The General Mirror of History,' under the thirty-fifth year of king Hsien of Kau.

321:2 I suppose this incident is an invention of Sû Shih's own. I have not met with it anywhere else. In Ziâo's text for the 'in disguise' of the translation, however, there is an error. He gives  instead of .

322:1 See Book XXXIII, pars. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6.

323:1 Few of my readers, I apprehend, will appreciate this article, which is to me more a jeu d'esprit than 'a record.' It is strange that so slight and fantastic a piece should have had the effect attributed to it of making the four Books which they call in question be generally held by scholars of the present dynasty to be apocryphal, but still Sû Shih avows in it his belief in Book XXXIII. Compare the quotation from Lin Hsî-kung on pp. 296, 297.



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Next: Index to Volumes XXXIX, XL

p. 325

INDEX
TO
VOLUMES XXXIX(i), XL (ii).
Â-ho Kan (ancient Tâoist), Part ii, page 67.

Âi (duke of Lû), i, 229, 231, 232; ii 49, 207.

Ailantus, the, i, 174.

Âi-thâi Tho (the ugly man), i, 229.



Balfour, F. H., i, pp. xiv, xv, xviii, xx, 14, 17, 19, 20, 24, 128, 135, 138, 142, 155, 237, 248, 300, 310, 240, 247, 251, 257, 262.



Chalmers, Dr. J., i, pp. xiii, xiv, 64, 91, 93, 104, 107; 123, 124.



Davis, Sir J. F., ii, 5.



Edkins, Dr. J., i, 58.

Eitel, Dr. E. J., i, 44.



Faber, Mr. E., i, 137; ii, 247.

Fan (a state), ii, 55, 56.

Fän (the river), i, 172.

Fan Lî (minister of Yüeh), ii, 255.

Fang-hwang (name of desert-sprite), ii, 19.

Fäng-î (spirit-lord of the Ho), i, 244

Fang Ming (charioteer of Hwang-Tî), ii, 96.

Fei-yo (a chapter of Mo Tî), ii, 216.

Fû-hsî (the ancient sovereign), i, 210, 244, 370; ii, 55.

Fû-mo (=writings), i, 246.

Fû-yao (a whirlwind), i, 165, 167, 300.

Fû Yüeh (the minister of Wû-ting), i, 245.



Gabelentz, Prof. G., i, p. xix, 57, 307, 310.

Giles, H. A., i, pp. xiv, xviii, xx, 4, 15, 17, 18, 19, 248, 249, et al.



Han (state), ii, 152, 153, 189.

Han (river). In phrase Ho Han (= Milky Way), i, 170.

Han Fei (the author), i, 5, 6, 69, 81, 97, 98, 102, 103, 104, 107, 109, 113.

Han-tan (capital of Kao), i, 284, 390.

Han Ying (the writer), i, 89, 90, 92.

Hâo (river), i, 391, 392.

Hardwick, Archdeacon, i, 13, 40, 41.

Ho (river), i, 389; ii, 132, 173, 211.

Ho Han, see Han. Kiang Ho, see Kiang.

Ho-hsü (prehistoric sovereign), i, 279.

Ho-kwan Dze (the author), i, 12.

Ho-po (the spirit-ruler of the Ho), i, 374, 377, 378, 379, 382, 383.

Ho-shang Kung (the author), i, 7, 8, 12, 46, 75, 77, 81, 83, 87, 97, 98, 99, 101. 111, 117, 119, 123.

Hsî Kiang (the Western Kiang), ii, 133.

Hsî Phäng (a minister of Khî), ii, 102.

Hsî-phäng (an attendant of Hwang-Tî), ii, 96.

Hsî Shih (the Beauty), i, 354.

Hsî Wang-mû (queen of the Genii), i, 245; ii, 248, 249.

Hsiang-Hsiû (the commentator), i, 10.

Hsiang-khäng (name of a desert), ii, 96, 97.

Hsiang-lî Khin (a Mohist), ii, 220.

Hsiang-wang (= Mr. Purposeless), i, 312.

Hsiâo-kî (son of Kao Zung of Yin), ii, 132.

Hsiâo-po (name of duke Hwan of Khî), ii, 177.

Hsieh Tâo-häng (minister and scholar of Sui dynasty), ii, 311, 312.

p. 326

Hsien-khih (Hwang-Tî's music), i, 348; ii, 8, 218.

Hsien-yüan Shih (Hwang-Tî), i, 287.

Hsin (the mound-sprite), ii, 19.

Hsing-than (apricot altar), ii, 192.

Hsio-kiû (a kind of dove), i, 166.

Hsü-âo (state), i, 190, 206.

Hsü Wû-kwei (a recluse), ii, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94.

Hsü-yî (a mystical name), i, 247.

Hsü Yû (a contemporary and teacher of Yâo), i, 169, 255, 256, 312; ii, 108, 161, 183, 210.

Hsü-yü (name of count of kî), i, 239.

Hsüan-ming (name of Profundity), i, 247.

Hsüan Shui (the dark river, metaphorical), ii, 57.

Hsüan-yang Dze (an author), ii, .265.

Hsüan Ying (editor), i, p. xx, 197,269.

Hû (state), i, 206.

Hû (god of Northern sea), i, 267.

Hû Pû-kieh (ancient worthy), i, 239.

Hû-dze (teacher of Lieh-dze), i, 263, 264, 265.

Hû Wän-ying (editor and commentator), i, p. xx, 325; ii, 63, 71.

Hui (favourite disciple of Confucius), i, 209. See Yen Yüan.

Hui-dze, or Hui Shih (philosopher, and friend of Kwang-dze), i, 172, 174, 186, 234, 235, 391, 392; ii, 4, 137, 144, 229.

Hwâ (a place), i, 313.

Hwâ, Eastern, the (divine ruler of), ii, 248, 254.

Hwâ-kieh Shû (a man with one foot), ii, 5.

Hwâ-liû (one of king Mû's famous horses), i, 381.

Hwâ-shan (a hill), ii, 222.

Hwan (Confucianist of Käng), ii, 204, 205.

Hwan (duke of Khî), i, 233, 343; ii, 18, 201 101, 177.

Hwan Tan (minister Of Yâo), i, 295.

Hwan Twan (a Tâoist sophist), ii, 230.

Hwang-fû Mî (the writer), i, 8.

Hwang-kwang (some strange production), ii, 9.

Hwang-kung (the first of the upper musical Accords), i, 269.

Hwang Liâo (a sophist), ii, 231.

Hwang-Tî (the ancient sovereign), i, 193, 244, 256, 295, 297, 298, 299, 311, 338, 348, 370; ii, 7, 28, 55, 58, 60, 73, 96, 97, 171, 172, 218, 255.

Hwang-dze Kâo-âo (an officer of Khî), ii, 19.

Hwun-tun (chaos), i, 267, 322.



Î (name of a place); may be read Âi, i, 194.

Î (the ancient archer), i, 227; ii, 36, 99.

Î (wild tribes so named), ii, 220.

Î-î (a bird), ii, 32.

Î Kieh (a parasite of the court of Khû), ii, 114.

Î-liâo (a scion of the house of Khû), ii, 28, 104; 121.

Î-lo (some strange growth), ii, 9.

Î-r Sze (a fabulous personage), i, 255, 256.

Î-shih (name for speculation about the origin of things), i, 247

Î Yin (Thang's adviser and minister), i, 6; ii, 162.



Jesuit translation of the Tâo Teh King, i, pp. xii, xiii, 95, 115.

Julien, Stanislas (the Sinologue), i, pp. xiii, xv, xvi, xvii, 12, 13, 34, 35, 72, 73, 104, 109, 123, 124; ii, 239, 243, 245.



Kan Ying Phien (the Treatise), i, p. xi, 38, 40, 43; ii, 235-246.

Kan-yüeh (a place in Wû, famous for its swords), i, 367.

Kao Yû (the glossarist), i, 86.

Kau-kien (king of Yüeh), ii, 111.

Kû (name of the stream, near whose bank Lao-dze was born), ii, 317.

Kû Yüan or Hsüan (a Tâoist writer), ii) 248.

Kû (name for female slave), i, 273.

Kû-kû (ancient state), ii, x63) 173.

Kû Khî (an attendant of Hwang-Tî), ii, 96.

Kû-khüeh (metaphorical name for a height), ii, 58.

Kumârgîva (Indian Buddhist), i, 76, 90.

Kung-kung (Yâo's minister of works), i, 295.

Kung Po (earl of Kung), ii, 161.

Kung Shan (mount Kung), ii, 161.

Kung-sun Lung (noble, and sophist

p. 327

of Kâo), i, 387, 389; ii, 230. See Ping.

Kung-dze Mâu (a prince of Wei), i, 387.

Kung-wän Hsien (a man of Wei), i, 200.

Kung-yüeh Hsiû (a recluse of Khû), ii, 114, 115.

Kwâi-khî (hill in Yüeh), ii, 111. 133.

Kwan Lung-fang (minister of Hsiâ), i, 205, 283; ii, 131.

Kwan-dze (minister of duke Hwan of Khî), ii, 7; called Kwan Kung, ii, 18, 19, 101, 177; and Kung-fû, ii, 19, 101.

Kwan Yin (the warden Yin Hsî), i, 5, 35; ii, 12, 13, 226, 227.

Kwang Khäng-dze (teacher of Hwang-Tî), i, 297, 298, 299; ii, 255, 256, 257.

Kwang-yâo (= starlight), ii, 70.

Kwei (an ancient state), i, 190.

Kwei Kû Dze (the famous Recluse), ii, 255.



Khäng-zhang (? = Kang-sang Khû), ii, 82.

Khan-pei (spirit presiding over Khwän-lun), i, 244.

Khao-fû (ancestor of Confucius), ii, 209.

Khan Khien-kih (usurping patriarch of Taoism), ii, 256.

Kho (a river), ii, 14.

Khû Hwo (a Mohist of the South), ii, 220.

Khung-dze (Confucius), called also Khung Khiu, Khiu, Khung-shih, and Kang-nî, i, 34; 35, 203, 204, 208, 221, 223, 224, 228, 229, 230, 233, 250, 251, 253, 256, 257, 320, 322, 338, 339, 351, 354, 355, 357, 358, 360, 361, 362, 375, 376, 385, 386; ii, 7, 14, 15, 16, 20, 21, 32, 34, 35, 37, 38, 39, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 53, 55, 63, 71, 72, 104, 105, 117, 120, 121, 166, 167, 168, 169, 172, 177, 180, 192, 193, 194, 197, 198, 199, 207, 208, 209.

Khung-thung (a mountain), i, 297.

Khwan (a river), ii, 141. See Kho.

Khwän (the great fish), i, 1645 167.

Khwän (a son of Dze-khî), ii, 106, 107.

Khwän Hwun (an attendant of Hwang-Tî), ii, 96.

Khwän-lun (the mountain), i, 244, 311; ii, 5.

Khwang (music-master of Zin), i, 186, 269, 274, 286.

Khwang (a district), i, 385.

Khwang-dze (an old worthy), ii, 180.

Khwei (prince of Kao), ii, 186.

Khwei (a hill-sprite), ii, 19.

Khwei (name of one-footed dragon), i, 384.

Kan-dze (a worthy of Wei), ii, 159.

Kän Zän (the True Man, highest master of the Tâo), ii, 110. See especially in Book VI.

Käng (the state), i, 226, 262, 263 ii, 204.

Kang Häng (a poet), i, 89.

Kang Kân (editor of Lieh-dze), i, 117.

Kang Liang (famous Tâoist), ii, 255.

Kang Tâo-ling (first Tâoist master), i, 42.

Käng Zhang (the Kâu library), i, 339.

Kang Zo (an attendant of Hwang-Tî), ii, 96.

Kâo (the state), ii, 186, 187.

Kâo and Kâo Wän (a lutist of Zin), i, 186.

Kâo-hsî (marquis of Han), ii, 152, 153.

Kâo Wang (king of Khû), ii, 135.

Kâu (the dynasty), i, 338, 339, 353 (in i, 352, and ii, 34, 189, Kâu must be = Wei); ii, 163, 164.

Kâu (the tyrant of Yin), i, 205, 359) 386; ii) 131, 171) 173, 177; 178.

Kâu Kung (the famous duke of Kau), i, 314; ii, 178, 218; but in ii, 16, another duke.

Kâu-shui (a river), ii, 162.

Keh Ho (the Keh Kiang), ii, 134.

Kî (a wise man in time of Thang), i, 167.

Kî, meaning king Kî, ii, 178; meaning Liû-hsiâ Hui, ii, 168.

Kî Hsien (wizard of Käng), i, 263.

Kî Hsing-dze (a rearer of gamecocks), ii, 20.

Kî Kän (a Tâoist master), ii, 129.

p. 328

Kî Kheh (officer of Lû), i, 318.

Kî Khih (a Mohist of the South), ii, 220.

Kî-khü (prehistoric sovereign), i, 210.

Kî Thâ (ancient worthy), i, 239; ii, 141.

Kî-dze (an officer of Wei), ii, 118.

Kî Dze (the count of Wei), i, 239; ii, 131.

Kiâ Yü (Narratives of the School), i, 91.

Kih (the robber so-called), i, 273, 275, 283, 284, 285, 292, 295, 328; ii, 166, 167, 168, 170, 172, 175.

Kih (knowledge personified), i, 311 ii, 57, 58, 60.

Kih-hwo (as a name, Mr. Know-the-Mean), ii, 180, 181, 182, 183.

Kih-kung (as a name), ii, 180.

Kih-khwâi (marquis of Yen), i, 380.

Kih-lî Yî (a name), ii, 206.

Kiang (the river), ii, 29, 102, 126, 131, 136 (the Clear Kiang), 174, 219.

Kiang-lü Mien (officer of Lû), i; 318, 319.

Kieh (the tyrant of Hsiâ), i, 205, 242, 291, 295, 380, 386; ii, 131, 162, 177, 178.

Kieh (name of an old book), i, 220.

Kieh-dze (a Tâoist master), ii, 129.

Kieh-dze Thui (officer of duke Wän of Zin), ii, 173.

Kieh-yung (name of a book of Mo Tî), ii, 218.

Kien Ho-hâu (a certain marquis in Wei), ii, 132.

Kien Wû (a fabulous Tâoistic personage), i, 170, 244, 260; ii, 54

Kin (music-master of Lû), i, 351.

King (the emperor, of Han), i, 8.

Kiû-fang Yän (a physiognomist), ii, 106, 107.

Kiû-shâo (Shun's music), ii, 8.

Ko-lû (Hwang-Tî's battle-field), ii, 171, 173

Kû Hsî (the philosopher), i, 23, 54, 56, 89, 167; ii, 263, 272.

Kû Hsin (a Tâoist master), ii, 16.

Kû-ko Liang (the famous), ii, 255.

Kû-liang (duke of Sheh in Khû), i, 210.

Kû-lü (a certain hunchback), ii, 14.

Kû Phing-man (a Tâoist), ii, 206.

Kû Zung-zän (officer of prayer in temple), ii, 18.

Kû-yung (prehistoric sovereign), i, 287.

Kü Liang (a strong man), i, 256.

Kü Po-yü (a minister of Wei), i, 215; ii, 124.

Kü-Zhze (a hill), ii, 96.

Kun Mang (name for primal ether), i, 322, 323.

Kung (a minister of Yüeh), ii, 111.

Kung Kwo (the Middle States), ii, 43, 216.

Kung-shan (a dependency of Wei), ii, 159.

Kwan-hsü (the ancient sovereign), i, 244.

Kwang-dze and Kwang Khâu (our author), i, pp. xi, xviii, xix, xx, xxi, 3, 4, 5, 10, 11, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 28, 29, 32, 33, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 172, 173, 174, 197, 234, 235, 332, 346, 347, 387, 389, 390, 391, 392; ii, 4, 5, 6, 27, 36, 39, 40, 49, 50, 66, 98, 99, 132, 133, 137, 138, 144, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 205, 207, 211, 212, 227.

Kwang Kung (duke of Lû), ii, 23.



Khâi (or Zhâi, the state), i, 352; ii, 32, 34.

Khän (the state), i, 352; ii; 32, 34, 160, 161, 172, 197.

Khäng (a minister of Shun), ii, 62.

Khang Hung (a historiographer and musician of Kâu), i, 283; ii, 131.

Khang Kî (a disciple of Confucius), i, 223, 224, 225.

Khang-shän (the name of a gulf), ii, 15.

Khang-wû (a district), i, 192, ii, 121.

Khang-yü (an attendant of Hwang-Tî), ii, 96.

Khî (the state), i, 210, 211, 217, 233, 281, 282; ii, 17, 19, 43, 100, 118, 119, 169, 172, 189, 205.

Khî Hsieh (an old book), i, 165.

Khî Kung (a worthy of Wei), ii, 42.

Khî-shan (early seat of the house of Kau), ii, 151, 163.

Khieh Khâu (= vehement debater), i, 312.

Khieh-yü (the madman of Khû), i, 170, 221, 260.

p. 329

Khien-lung, the catalogue of, ii, 255, 256.

Khih-kang Man-khî (a man of king Wû's time), i, 324.

Khih-kî (one of king Mû's steeds), i, 381; ii, 175.

Khih Shâu (title of minister of war), ii, 115.

Khih Shui (the Red-water, metaphorical), i, 311.

Khih-wei (a prehistoric sovereign), i, 244; ii, 731 138; (also, an assistant historiographer), ii, 124, 125.

Khih-yû (rebel against Hwang-Tî), ii, 171.

Khin (the state and dynasty), ii, 147 (but this is doubtful), 207.

Khin Hwâ-lî (a contemporary and disciple of Mo Tî), ii, 218, 221.

Khin Shih (a Tâoist), i, 201.

Khing (worker in rottlera wood), ii, 22.

Khing Käng King (name of Tâoist Treatise), ii, 247, 254.

Khing-lang (name of an abyss), ii, 162.

Khiû (the name of Confucius), i, 193, 195, 251, 252, 317, 360, 362; ii, 7, 104, 168, 170, 172, 174, 175.

Khiû-shih (name of a place), ii, 204.

Kho Shih (=Mr. Provocation), ii, 119.

Khû (the state), i, 221, 2249 230, 319, 390; ii, 6, 14, 55, 56, 98, 100, 104, 120, 155, 156, 169.

Khü-kung (a man of Khî), ii, 108.

Khü Zhiâo-dze (a Tâoist), i, 192.

Khü-yüan (a place in Khî), i, 217.

Khui (ancient artificer), i, 286.

Khun Khiû (the classic), i, 189, 360; ii, 216.

Khung Shan (a hill), i, 295.



Lan Zü (disciple of Kwang-dze), ii, 40.

Lâo-dze, Lâo Tan, Lâo and Tan alone (our Lâo-dze), i, pp. xi, xii, xiii, xiv, xv, xvi, xvii, xviii, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9. 10, 13, 14, 15, 16, 24, 25, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 41, 44, 201, 228, 229, 261, 262, 294, 317, 339, 340; 341, 355, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362; ii, 46, 47, 49, 63, 74, 75, 78, 79, 81, 122, 147, 148, 226, 227.

Lâo Kün (a designation of Lâo-dze), i, 40; ii, 249, 250, 253.

Lâo's golden principle, i, 31, 106.

Lâo's views on war, i, 72, 73, 110, 111, 112.

Lâo's temple and tablet, ii, 311-320.

Lâo Lâi-dze (a Tâoist of Khû), ii, 135.

Lâo-lung Kî (ancient master of the Tâo), ii, 68.

Lei-thing (sprite of the dust-heap), ii, 19.

Lî (classic so called), i, 67, 360; ii, 75, 216.

Lî (sprite of mountain tarns), 11, 19.

Lî Hsî-yüeh (the commentator), i, p. xvii; ii, 248, 251, 253, 256, 257, 258, 264, 265, 269, 271.

Lî Kwang-tî (a modern scholar), ii, 255.

Lî Kî (the beauty), i, 191, 194.

Lî Kû (the man of wonderful vision), i, 269, 274, 286, 287, 311.

Lî-khû and Lî-lû (prehistoric sovereigns), i, 287.

Lî Khwan (supposed author of the Yin Fû King), ii, 255, 256.

Lî Lung (the black dragon), ii, 211.

Lî R (surname and name of Lâo-dze), i, 34, 35.

Liang (the state or city) i, 391. ii, 120; (also, a place on the borders of Phei), ii, 147.

Liâo Shui (a river), i, 260.

Lieh-dze and Lieh Yü-khâu (the philosopher), i, 5, 85, 116, 168, 263, 264, 265; ii, 9, 53, 154 (  Lieh-dze), 202, 203.

Lien Shû (a Tâoist in time of Confucius), i, 170, 171.

Lin Hsî-kung (editor of Kwang-dze), i, p. xx, 232, 233, 375; ii, 18, 100, 117, 273-297.

Lin Hui (of the Yin dynasty), ii, 34, 35.

Ling (duke of Wei), 1, 215, 233; ii, 124, 125, 126.

Ling Thâi (= the Intelligence), ii, 24.

Liû An, i. q. Hwâi-nan Dze (the writer), i, 5, 6, 7, 51, 86, 101, 102, 106, 107, 113.

Liû-hsiâ Kî (brother of the robber Kih) ii, 166, 167, 175.

p. 330

Liû Hsiang (Han officer and writer), i, 97, 100, 107; ii, 132.

Liû Hsin (Han librarian, son of Hsiang), i, 6.

Lo-sung (name for reading), i, 247.

Lû (the state), i, 223, 224; 228, 229, 284, 353; ii, 8, 17, 22, 26, 29, 34, 43; 49, 50, 153, 157, 160, 167, 168, 169, 172, 175, 193, 197, 216.

Lû Kü (a philosopher), ii, 99.

Lû Näng-shih (commentator), i, 76.

Lû Shih (work of Lo Pî), i, 351.

Lû Shû-kih (the editor), i, p. xix, 143, 148, 150, 153, 154, 161; ii, 146, 179.

Lû Teh-ming (the author), i, p. xix, 103; ii. 37.

Lû Zhien-hsü (a writer), ii, 264.

Lû Liang (the gorge of Lü), ii. 20.

Lû Shui (a river), ii, 163.

Lû Zû (famous Tâoist), (i. q. Lü Tung-pin, Lü Khun-yang), i, pp. xvi, xvii.

Lung-fäng, ii, 131. See Kwan Lung-fäng.

Lung Lî-khän (a minister of Wei), ii, 43.



Mân Kâu-teh (unprincipled debater), ii, 176, 177, 178.

Man-shih (= Mr. Stupidity), ii, 119, 120.

Män Wû-kwei (man in time of king Wû), ii, 324, 325.

Män-yin Täng-häng (officer of Thang), ii, 117.

Mäng-sun Zhâi or Shih (member of Mäng-sun family), i, 253, 254.

Mäng Dze-fan (Tâoist, time of Confucius), i, 250.

Mâo Zhiang (the beauty), i, 191.

Mâu (prince of Wei), ii, 159.

Mayers's Manual, i, 40, 41, 67, 301, 374; ii, 317, et al.

Mencius, i, 65, 111, 131, 134, 372, 380; ii, 54, 116, 216.

Miâo-kû-shih (a mysterious hill), i, 170, 172.

Min-dze (disciple of Confucius), i, 232.

Ming (a hill in the north), i, 347.

Ming-ling (a great tree), i, 166.

Mo, Mo-dze, and Mo Tî (the heresiarch; his followers), i, 182, 270, 287, 296, 360; ii, 73, 99, 100, 177, 178, 204, 205, 219, 220, 221.

Mû (duke of Khin), ii, 50, 89.



Nan-kwo Dze-khî (a great Tâoist), i, 176.

Nan-po Dze-khî (same as the above), i, 219; ii, 103. See Dze-khî.

Nan-yüeh (Yüeh in the south), ii, 30.

Nestorian monument, the, i, 94.

Nieh-hsü (name for hearing or report), i, 247.

Nieh Khüeh (ancient Tâoist), i, 190, 192, 259, 312; ii, 61, 62, 108.

Nü Shang (favourite of marquis of Wei), ii, 91, 92, 93.

Nü Yü (great Tâoist), i, 245.

Numerical categories:--

Three precious things, i, 110; precious ones, or refuges, i, 43; 111; pure ones, i, 43; three meals, i, 166; dynasties, i, 271; Mâo, and three Wei, i, 295; dynasties, kings of the, i, 295, 381; hosts, i, 334; Hwang and five Tî, i, 353; five Tî and three Wang, i, 376; branches of kindred, ii, 204; most distinguished officers, ii, 156; swords, ii, 189; luminaries, ii, 190; pairs of Thâi stars, ii, 236; spirits of the recumbent body, ii, 236; regions, ii, 249; poisons, ii, 251; despoilers, ii, 260.

Four seas, the, i, 171y 295; philosophers or perfect Ones, i, 172; boundaries (= a neighbourhood), i, 230; seasons, i, 239 et saepe; quarters of the earth, i, 330; wild tribes on the four quarters, ii, 189, 220; evils, the, ii, 196, 197; misrepresentations, the, ii, 197.

Five grains, the, i, 171; chiefs, i, 245; viscera, i, 220, 247, 268, 294; colours, i, 328; notes of music, i, 328; weapons, i, 334; punishments, i, 335; elements, i, 346; ii, 189, 258; virtues, i, 349; regulators of the five notes, i, 351; fivefold arrangement of the virtues, ii, 178, 179; feudal lordships, ii, 220; mountains, ii, 317.

Six elemental energies, i, 169, 301; conjunctions (= the universe

p. 331

of space), i, 189; members of the body, i, 226; extreme points (= all space), i, 346, 351; musical Accords, i, 269; comprehensions (= universe of space), i, 330; classics, i, 360; Bow-cases (name of a book), ii, 92; faculties of perception, ii, 139; parties in the social organisation, ii, 179; desires, ii, 251.

Seven precious organs of the body, ii, 272.

Eight qualities in discussions, i, 189; subjects of delight, i, 293; apertures or orifices of the body, ii, 63; defects of conduct, ii, 196, 197; eight diagrams, the, ii, 264.

Nine hosts, i, 225 divisions of the Lo writing, i, 346; provinces, i, 376; ii, 317; apertures of the body, ii, 25, 63, 259, 260; Shâo (a full performance of the music of Shun), ii, 26.

Twelve Ming or classics, i, 339; hours (of a day), ii, 270.



O-lâi (a minister of Yin, killed by king Wû), ii, 131.



Pâi Kung (duke or chief of Pâi in Khû), i, 380.

Pâi-lî Hsî (the famous), ii, 50.

Pâo Shû-yâ (minister of Khî), ii, 101.

Pâo Ziâo, and Pâo-dze (ancient worthy), ii, 73, 180.

Paradisiacal and primeval state, i, 26-28, 277-279, 287, 288, 325.

Pei-kung Shê (officer of Wei), ii, 31.

Pei-kî (the North Pole), i, 245.

Pei-män Khäng (attendant on Hwang-Tî), i, 348.

Pei-zän Wû-kâi (a friend of Shun), ii, 161.

Pî-kan (the famous prince of Yän), i, 205, 283; ii, 37,131, 174, 180.

Piâo-shih (prehistoric sovereign), ii, 37.

Pien Sui (worthy at court of Thang), ii, 162.

Pien-dze (a Tâoist master), ii, 25, 26.

Pin (early settlement of House of Kâu), ii, 150.

Ping (name of Kung-sun Lung), ii, 99, 100.

Po-hâi (district along gulf of Kih-lî), ii, 189.

Po-hwän Wû-zän (Tâoist teacher), i, 226; ii, 53, 202, 203.

Po-î (elder of the brothers of Kû-kû), i, 239, 273; 375, 376; ii, 163, 173.

Po Kü (disciple of Lâo-dze), ii, 122.

Po Khäng-khien (historiographer of Wei), ii, 124, 125.

Po-khäng Dze-kâo (Tâoist, time of Yâo) i, 315.

Po-lâo (first subduer of horses), i, 276, 277, 279.

Po Shûi (the Bright Water, metaphorical), ii, 57, 58.

Pû-liang Î (ancient Tâoist), i, 245.

Pû (or Wû) Zû (= Mr. Dissatisfied), ii, 180, 181, 183.



Phäng (the great bird), i, 164, 165, 167.

Phäng Mäng (a famous archer), ii, 36.

Phäng Mäng (a Tâoist master), ii, 223, 225.

Phäng Zû (the patriarch), i, 167, 188, 245, 364.

Phäng Yang (the same as Zeh-yang), ii; 114.

Phâo-ting (a cook), i, 198, 199, 200.

Phei (place where Lao-dze lived), i, 354; ii, 147.

Phei-î (ancient Tâoist), i, 312; ii, 61, 62.

Phien (a wheelwright), i, 343.

Phi-yung (king Wän's Music), ii, 218.

Phû (a river of Khän), i, 390.

Phû-i-dze (ancient Tâoist), i, 259.



Rémusat (the Sinologue), i, pp. xiii, xxi, 12, 57.

Rishis (of Buddhism), ii, 238.



Sacrificial hall of Kwang-dze, ii, 320.

San Miâo (the tribes so called), i, 295.

San-wei (the place so called), i, 295.

Sâu (a prince of Yüeh), ii, 151, 152.

Shâ-khiû (a hill in Wei), ii, 125.

Shan Küan (worthy, in favour of whom Shun wished to resign), ii, 183.

Shän-khiû (name of a height), i, 260.

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Shän Ming (name for perspicacity), i, 247.

Shän Näng (the ancient sovereign), i, 370; ii, 7, 28, 67, 68, 164, 171.

Shan Pâo (a recluse), ii, 17.

Shän Tâo (an earnest Tâoist), ii, 223, 224, 225.

Shän-thû Kiâ (a mutilated Tâoist), i, 226.

Shän-thû Tî (a worthy of Yin, a suicide), i, 239; ii, 141, 173, perhaps the same as Shän-dze, or Shäng-dze.

Shän-dze (a prince of Sin), ii, 180.

Shang (the dynasty), i, 346, 352; ii, 34 (meaning duchy of Sung).

Shang Sung (sacrificial odes of Shang), ii, 158.

Shâo (a ducal appanage), i, 361.

Shâo-kwang (name of a palace), i, 245.

Shâo Kih (an inquirer about the Tâo), ii, 126, 127, 128.

Shâu-ling (a city), i, 390.

Shâu-yang (a hill), i, 273; ii, 165, 173.

Sheh (district of Khû), i, 210.

Shih (name of Hui-dze), ii, 231. See Hui-dze.

Shih (the classic so called), i, 360; ii, 216, 271.

Shih (name of a mechanic), i, 217, 218; ii, 101.

Shih (officer of Wei, Shih Yü and Shih Zhiû), i, 269, 274, 287, 292, 295, 328.

Shih-hû (a place), ii, 150.

Shih-khang (a barrier wall), ii, 189.

Shih-khäng Khî (a Tâoist, hardly believing in Lâo-dze), i, 340, 341.

Shih-nan (where Î-liâo lived), ii, 28, 104, 121.

Shû (the deformed worthy), i, 220.

Shû (the classic so called), i, 360; ii, 216.

Shû (god of the Northern sea), i, 266, 267.

Shû (region in the West), ii, 131.

Shû-khî (brother of Po-î), i, 239; ii, 163, 173.

Shû-r (ancient cook), i, 274.

Shû-tan (the duke of Kau, q. v.), ii, 163.

Shui (i. q. Khui, q. v.).

Shun (the sovereign, called also Yû yü) i, 171, 190, 210, 225, 282, 295, 315, 331, 338, 347, 359, 380; ii, 7, 35, 62, 73, 109, 120, 150; 161, 170, 171, 173, 178, 183, 218.

Strauss, Victor von (translator and philosopher), i, p. xiii, 58, 123, 124.

Sû Shih (called also Dze-kan, and Tung-pho), ii, 320, with his father and brother.

Sû Zhin (the adventurer), ii, 256.

Sui (a small state), ii, 154.

Sui (the dynasty), i, 7, 8; ii, 311.

Sui-zän (prehistoric sovereign, inventor of fire), i, 370; ii, 7.

Sun Shû-âo (minister of Khû), ii, 54, 104, 105.

Sung (the state), i, 168, 172, 219, 301, 352, 386; ii, 34, 50, 101, 136, 169, 189, 197, 207, 211.

Sung Hsing (a Tâoist master), ii, 221.

Sze-mâ Kwang (statesman and historian), i, 86.

Sze-mâ Khien (the historian), i, 4, 5, 6, 7, 33, 35, 36, 37, 38, 67, 101, 123; ii, 321, et al.



Tâ Hsiâ (name of Yü's music), ii, 218.

Tâ Hû (Thang's music), ii, 218.

Tâ-kung Zän (an officer of Khâi or Zhâi), ii, 32 (or Thâi Kung).

Tâ-kwei (name for the Tâo), ii, 96.

Tâ Kang (Yao's music), ii, 218.

Tâ-khun (a great tree), i, 166.

Tâ Lü (first of the lower musical Accords), i, 269.

Tâ Mo (Great Vacuity,--the Tâo), ii, 31.

Tâ Shâo (name of Shun's music), ii, 218.

Tâ Thâo (historiographer of Wei), ii, 124, 125.

Tâ-ying (Tâoist of Khî, with a goitre), i, 233.

Tâi (the mount, i. q. Thâi), ii, 189.

Tan Hsüeh (a certain cave), ii, 151, 152.

Tang (a high minister of Shang), i, 346.

Täng (a place or region), ii, 110.

Täng Ling-dze (a Mohist), ii, 220.

Tâo, (the Tâo), passim; meaning of the name, i, 12, 15. The Great Tâo, i, 61, 68, 76, 96; ii, 249.

Tâo Kih (the robber Kih). See Kih.

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Tâo Khiû (Confucius!), ii, 172.

Tâoist canon, the, ii, 255.

Temple of Lao-dze, the, ii, 319.

Tî (God), i, 202, 243, ? 314, 367; ii, 58 (probably meaning Hwang-Tî). In ii, 111, l.7, the character = to rule, to be sovereign in.

Tî (the rude tribes of the North), ii, 150.

Tî (name of the heresiarch Mo, and sometimes used for Mohists). See Mo.

Tiâo-ling (a park), ii, 39.

Tung-kwo Shun-dze (great Tâoist teacher), ii, 42.

Tung-kwo Sze (an inquirer after the Tâo), ii, 66.

Tung-kwo Sze-khî (i. q. Nan-kwo Dze-khî, q.v.), ii, 145.

Tung Kung-shû (the Han scholar), i, 109, 110.

Tung Wû (Tâoist teacher), ii, 103.

Tung-yê Kî (a great charioteer), ii, 23.



Thâi (the mountain), i, 188, 244, 296; ii, 167.

Thâi (certain stars), ii, 236.

Thâi-hsiâ (name of Yü's music), ii, 218.

Thâi-hû (name of Thang's music), ii, 218.

Thâi Kung (old minister and writer), ii, 255.

Thâi-kung Thiâo (a Tâoist master), ii, 126, 127, 128.

Thâi-kung Zän (a Tâoist who tried to instruct Confucius), ii, 32.

Thâi-kî (the primal ether), i, 243.

Thâi Khing (Grand Purity), ii, 68, 69.

Thâi Shang (name of Tractate), i, 40; ii, 235.

Thâi Shih (prehistoric sovereign), i, 259.

Thâi-wang Than-fû (ancestor of Kâu), ii, 150, 151.

Thang (the Successful, founder of Shang), i, 6, 167, 359, 380, 388; ii, 73, 141, 162, 170, 171, 173, 178.

Thang (meaning Yâo), i, 370; ii, 210.

Thang Wän (a book of Lieh-dze), i, 07.

Thien (heavenly, in the Tâoistic sense), i, 309, et al.; see p. 16. Applied by Kwang-dze to the fictitious beings, introduced by him as expositors of the Tâo, i, 299, et al.

Thien Ho (a ruler of Khî), ii, 103;? same as Thien Man, ii, 118.

Thien Kän (a mystical name), i, 260, 261.

Thien Khäng-dze, and Thien Khang (who usurped the rulership of Khî), i, 282; ii, 177.

Thien Phien (Tâoist teacher), ii, 223, 225.

Thien Shih (name applied by Hwang-Tî to a boy), ii, 97; title of Tâoist master, i, 42.

Thien Zun (a Tâoist deifying title), ii, 265, 266.

Thien Dze (highest name of the sovereign), ii, 195, et al.

Thien Dze-fang (preceptor of marquis of Wei), ii, 42, 43.

Thung-thing (the lake), i, 348; ii, 8.

Thung-thû (a certain region), ii, 110.



Zâi-1û (name of an abyss), ii, 136.

Zang (a place), ii, 51; (a name for a male slave), i, 273.

Zäng (the disciple Zäng Shän), i, 269, 274, 287, 292, 295, 328; ii, 132, 145, 158.

Zâu (birthplace of Mencius), ii, 216.

Zeh-yang (designation of Phäng Yang), ii, 114.

Ziâo Hung (commentator and editor), i, pp. xv, xix, 76, 84, 90, 119, 123, et al.

Ziâo-liâo (the orthotomus or tailor-bird), i, 170.

Zin (the state), 1, 194, 319; ii, 169, 189.

Zo Khwan (the book so called), i, 106; ii, 210, 235, et al.

Zung (a state), i, 190.

Dze-hsü (the famous Wû Dze-hsü or Wû Yüan), i, 283; ii, 2, 174, 180.

Dze-hwa Sze (Tâoist of Wei), ii, 152, 153.

Dze-kung (the disciple), i, 92, 251, 252, 253, 319, 320, 321, 358, 360; ii, 7, 157, 160, 161, 167,193, 194.

Dze-kang (disciple of Confucius), ii, 176, 177.

Dze-kâo (designation of duke of Sheh), i, 210.

Sze-kâu Kih-fû, and Dze-kâu Kih-po (men to whom Yâo and Shun

p. 334

wished to resign the throne), ii, 149.

Dze-khän (a minister of Käng), i, 226, 227, 228.

Dze-khî (minister of war of Khû), ii, 156.

Dze-khî, ii, 106. See Nan-kwo Dze-khî.

Dze-khin Kang (a Tâoist), i, 250.

Dze-lâi (a Tâoist), i, 247, 249.

Dze-lâo (disciple of Confucius), ii, 121.

Dze-lî (a Tâoist), i, 247, 249.

Dze Lieh-dze, ii, 154. See Lieh-dze.

Dze-lû (the disciple), i, 92, 338, 386; ii, 44, 121, 160, 161, 172, 193, 200.

Dze-sang Hû (a Tâoist), i, 250, 251.

Dze-sze (a Tâoist), i, 247.

Dze-wei kih lin (a certain forest), ii, 192.

Dze-yang (minister of Käng), ii, 154.

Dze-yû. See Yen Khäng.

Dze-yü (a Tâoist), i, 247.



Zhâi (the state), i, 352; ii, 32, 349 160, 161, 172, 197.

Zhan-liâo (name for vague uncertainty), i, 247.

Zhang-wû (where Shun was buried), ii, 134.

Zhâo Shang (a man of Sung), ii, 207.

Zhui Khü. (a contemporary of Lao-dze), i, 294.

Zhung-kih (a state), i, 206; perhaps i. q. Zung.

Zhze (name of Dze-kung, q.v.), ii, 160.

[Zh and Kh are sometimes interchanged in spelling names.]



Wän (the king), i, 359; ii, 51, 52, 53) 168, 172, 173. (The famous duke of Zin), ii, 173. (A marquis of Wei), ii, 42, 43. (A king of Kâo), ii, 186, 190, 191. (The emperor of Sui), ii, 311, 315.

Wän-hui (? king Hui of Liang), i, 198, 200.

Wän-po Hsüeh-dze (a Tâoist of the South), ii, 43, 44.

Wang Î (ancient Tâoist), i, 190, 191, 192, 259, 312.

Wang Khî (commentator of Mâ Twan-lin), i, 40; ii, 265.

Wang Pî (or Fû-sze, early commentator), i, p. xv; 8, 55, 74, 75, 83, 93, 94, 101, et al.

Wang Thai (Tâoist cripple and teacher), i, 223, 224.

Wang-dze, Khing-kî (a prince so named), ii, 31.

War, against, i, 100, 110, 112.

Water, as an emblem of the Tâo, i, 52, 58, 75, 120.

Wei (the state ), i, 172, 387; ii, 42, 91, 118; 152, 189.

Wei (the state ), i, 203, 229, 351, 352; ii, 31, 34,158, 169, 172, 197.

Wei Kung (duke Wei of Kâu), ii, 16.

Wei Shäng (a foolish ancient), ii, 174, 180.

Wei-tâu (Ursa Major), i, 244.

Williams, Dr., i, 319, 353, 370; ii, 192, 257.

Wû (the state), i, 173; ii, 102, 133; (the dynasty), ii, 248, 249.

Wû (the king), i, 359, 380; ii, 73, 163, 168, 170, 171, 172, 173, 178, 218. (His music), ii, 218.

Wû-âo (name for songs), i, 247.

Wû-hsien Thiâo (a Tâoist of uncertain date), i, 346.

Wû Kwang (a worthy, in favour of whom Thang wished to resign), i, 239; ii, 141, 162, 163.

Wû-kâi (name of Thien Dze-fang), ii, 42. Of another, ii, 161.

Wû-kih (the toeless), i, 228.

Wû-kwang (distinguished for beauty), i, 256.

Wû Khäng (the commentator), i, p. xvii, 9, 67, 72, 81, 88, 97, 108, 109, et al.

Wû Khiung (= Infinity), ii, 69.

Wû Shih (= Mr. No-beginning), ii, 69.

Wû-shun (the Lipless), i, 233.

Wû-ting (a king of Shang), i, 245.

Wû-zû (=Mr. Discontent), ii, 180, 183

Wû-wei (= Mr. Do-nothing), ii, 68, 69.

Wû-wei Wei (Dumb-Inaction), ii, 57, 58, 60.

Wû-yo (= Mr. No-agreement), ii, 179.

Wû-Yû (= Mr. Non-existence), ii, 70.

Wû Yün (i. q. Wû Dze-hsü), ii, 131, 174.

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Wylie, Mr. A., i, 9, 39; ii, 257, 265, et al.



Yak (the bos grunniens of Thibet), i, 174, 317.

Yang (the emperor of the Sui dynasty), ii, 311.

Yang (the heresiarch Yang Kû), i, 270, 287; ii, 99, 100.

Yang Hû (a bad officer), i, 387.

Yang Dze-kü (a contemporary of Lao-dze; perhaps the same as the above; but the surname Yang is a different character), i, 261; ii, 99, 100. Yang-dze, ii, 41, 147, 148. This is Yang-kû in Lieh-dze; but the Yang is that of Yang Dze-kü.

Yâo (the ancient sovereign), i, 169, 172, 190, 206, 225, 242, 282, 291, 295, 312, 313, 314, 315, 338, 347, 359, 386; ii, 31, 108, 110, 120, 136, 141, 149, 162, 170, 171, 173, 178, 183.

Yen (the state so called), ii, 107, 229.

Yen (name of the above), i, 176.

Yen (name of minister of War in Wei), ii, 118.

Yen Ho (a worthy of Lû in Wei, as teacher of its ruler's son), i, 215. (The same, or another of the same name in Lû), ii, 23, 153, 207.

Yen Kang (attendant at an old Tâoist establishment), ii, 68.

Yen Khäng Dze-yû (attendant of Nan-kwo Dze-khî), i, 176; ii, 103 (Yen Khäng-dze), 145.

Yen Khî (a place in Yen), ii, 189.

Yen Män (gate of capital of Sung), ii, 140.

Yen Pû-î (friend of a king of Wû), ii, 102, 103.

Yen Shû (a mole), i, 170.

Yen Yüan, Yen Hui, and Hui alone (Confucius's favourite disciple), i, 203, 206, 207, 208, 209, 253, 256, 257, 351; ii, 7, 15, 44, 49, 53, 72, 158, 159, 160, 167, 200.

Yî (the classic so called), i, 360; ii, 216.

Yin (the dynasty), ii, 164. (Also a mountain), i, 260.

Yin-fän (an imperceptibly sloping hill, metaphorical), ii, 57.

Yin Wän (Tâoist master), ii, 221.

Yin and Yang (the constituents of the primal ether, and its operation), i, 249, 291, 292, 297, 299, 349, 365, 369; ii, 61, 64, 84, 99, 132. See also ii, 146, 147, 195, 208, 216.

Ying (the capital of Khû), i, 347; ii, 101, 230.

Ying (a river), ii, 161.

Yo (the classic so called), ii, 216, 218.

Yo Î (a leading man in the kingdom in third cent. B.C.), i, 7.

Yo Khän (a descendant of Yo Î and pupil of Ho-shang Kung), i, 7.

Yû (name of Dze-1û), i, 339; ii, 160, 201.

Yû Khao Shih (the Nest-er sovereign), ii, 171.

Yû-lî (where king Wän was confined), ii, 173.

Yû Piâo Shih (ancient sovereign), i, 351.

Yû Shih (the master of the Right, who had lost a foot), i, 200.

Yû Tû (the dark capital, in the north), i, 295.

Yû Zü kih shan (a hill in Wû), ii, 102.

Yü (the Great), i, 181, 206, 210, 315, 359, 388; ii, 35, 173, 218, 220.

Yü Hwang-Tî, or Yü Hwang Shang Tî (great Tâoist deity), i, 43,44.

Yü khiang (the spirit of the northern regions), i, 245.

Yü Shih, Yû-yü, and Yü alone (names for Shun), i, 245; 259, 272, 370; ii, 50.

Yü Shû King (the Treatise so called), ii, 265-268.

Yü Zü (a fisherman), ii, 136, 137.

Yüan Hsien (disciple of Confucius), ii, 157.

Yüan Kün (a ruler of Sung), ii, 50, 101, 136, 137.

Yüeh (the state), i, 172, 173, 181, 224; ii, 93, 133, 151, 152, 169, 229.

Yüeh (a sheep-butcher of Khû), ii, 155, 156.

Yung (a king of Wei), ii, 118.

Yung-khäng Shih (a minister of Hwang-Tî), ii, 118.



Zäh-kung Shih (a teacher of Confucius's time), i, 260.

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Zäh Kung King (the Treatise so called), ii, 269-272.

Zän (name of a region in the South; probably a district of Khû), ii, 133, 134. In ii, 32, the Zän in Thâi-kung Zän may indicate a different quarter, or the Zän there may be simply a name.

Zän-hsiang (a prehistoric sovereign), ii, 117.

Zän Khiû (disciple of Confucius), ii, 71, 72.

Zo (Spirit-lord of the Northern sea), i, 374, 375, 377, 378, 379, 382, 383, 384.

Zû and Zû-kê (Literati, = Confucianists), i, 182, 296, 360; ii, 73, 100.